(Acknowledgment: has been created at, but no longer available)  http://www.northvegr.org/lore/grimmst/


PDF German editions at http://www.septentrionalia.net/etexts/

PDF English edition at http://dl.free.fr/tnbP4X1jv

Grimm's Teutonic









YK’s bibliographic notes


*** … *** : translated from the XXX language, XXX = French or Latin or Spanish or Old Norse or  several Germanic languages such as Old Dutch, Bavarian, etc.


Méon’s references. Grimm cites Méon’s 4 main editions: his “Roman de la Rose”, his “Roman de Renard” (only containing theFrench tract - thus very different from Goethe’s famous version “Reineke fuchs,” which is a rewriting of an old German translation of the Flemish tract), his “Recueil général et complet des fabliaux” and his re-edition of Barbazan’s “Fabliaux et contes des poètes françois.” The reference he provides for the first two works, name and line # are enough to find back what Grimm refers to.  




From the westernmost shore of Asia, Christianity had turned at once to the opposite one of Europe. The wide soil of the continent which had given it birth could not supply it long with nourishment; neither did it strike deep root in the north of Africa. Europe soon became, and remained, its proper dwelling-place and home.

It is worthy of notice, that the direction in which the new faith worked its way, from South to North, is contrary to the current of migration which was then driving the nations from the East and North to the West and South. As spiritual light penetrated from the one quarter, life itself was to be reinvigorated from the other.

The worn out empire of the Romans saw both its interior convulsed, and its frontier overstepped. Yet, by the same mighty doctrine which had just overthrown her ancient gods, subjugated Rome was able to subdue her conquerors anew. By this means the flood-tide of invasion was gradually checked, the newly converted lands began to gather strength and to turn their arms against the heathen left in their rear.

Slowly, step by step, Heathendom gave way to Christendom. Five hundred years after Christ, but few nations of Europe believed in him; after a thousand years the majority did, and those the most important, yet not all (see Suppl.).

From Greece and Italy the Christian faith passed into Gaul first of all, in the second and third centuries. About the year 300, or soon after, we find here and there a christian among the Germans on the Rhine, especially the Alamanni; and about the same time or a little earlier (2) among the Goths. The Goths were the first Teutonic people amongst whom christianity gained a firm footing; this occurred in the course of the fourth century, the West-Goths leading the way and the East-Goths following; and after them the Vandals, Gepidæ and Rugii were converted. All these races held by the Arian doctrine. The Burgundians in Gaul became Catholic at the beginning of the fifth century, then Arian under their Visigoth rulers, and Catholic again at the commencement of the sixth century. The Suevi in Spain were at first Catholic, then Arian (about 469), until in the sixth century they, with all the West-Goths, went over likewise to the Catholic church. Not till the end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth did christianity win the Franks, soon after that the Alamanni, and after them the Langobardi. The Bavarians were converted in the seventh and eighth centuries, the Frisians, Hessians and Thuringians in the eighth, the Saxons about the ninth.

Christianity had early found entrance into Britain, but was checked by the irruption of the heathen Anglo-Saxons. Towards the close of the sixth and in the course of the seventh century, they also went over to the new faith.

The Danes became christian in the tenth century, the Norwegians at the beginning of the eleventh, the Swedes not completely till the second half of the same century. About the same time christianity made its way to Iceland.

Of the Slavic nations the South Slavs were the first to adopt the christian faith: the Carentani, and under Heraclius (d. 640) the Croatians, then, 150 years after the former, the Moravians in the eighth and ninth centuries. Among the North Slavs, the Obotritæ in the ninth, Bohemians (3) and Poles in the tenth, Serbs in the eleventh, and Russians at the end of the tenth.

Then the Hungarians at the beginning of the eleventh, Livonians and Lettons in the twelfth, Esthonians and Finns in the twelfth and thirteenth, Lithuanians not even till the commencement of the fifteenth.

All these data are only to be taken as true in the main; they neither exclude some earlier conversions, nor a longer and later adherence to heathenism in limited areas. Remoteness and independence might protect the time-honored religion of a tribe. Apostates too would often attempt at least a partial reaction. Christianity would sometimes lead captive the minds of the rich and great, by whose example the common people were carried away; sometimes it affected first the poor and lowly.

When Chlodowig (Clovis) received baptism, and the Salian Franks followed his lead, individuals out of all the Frankish tribes had already set the example. Intercourse with Burgundians and West-Goths had inclined them to the Arian doctrine, while the Catholic found adherents in other parts of Gaul. Here the two came into collision. One sister of Chlodowig, Lanthild, had become an Arian christian before his conversion, the other, Albofled, had remained a heathen; the latter was now baptized with him, and the former was also won over to the Catholic communion. (4) But even in the sixth and seventh centuries heathenism was not yet uprooted in certain districts of the Frankish kingdom. Neustria had heathen inhabitants on the Loire and Seine, Burgundy in the Vosges, Austrasia in the Ardennes; and heathens seem still to have been living in the present Flanders, especially northwards towards Friesland. (5) Vestiges of heathenism lingered on among the Frisians into the ninth century, among the Saxons into the tenth, and in like manner among the Normans and Swedes into the eleventh and twelfth. (6) Here and there among the northern Slavs idolatry was not extinct in the twelfth century, and not universally so among the Finns and Lithuanians in the sixteenth and seventeenth (7); nay, the remotest Laplanders cling to it still.

Christianity was not popular. It came from abroad, it aimed at supplanting the time-honored indigenous gods whom the country revered and loved. These gods and their worship were part and parcel of the people's traditions, customs and constitution. Their names had their roots in the people's language, and were hallowed by antiquity; kings and princes traced their lineage back to individual gods; forests, mountains, lakes had received a living consecration from their presence. All this the people was not to renounce; and what is elsewhere commended as truth and loyalty was denounced and persecuted by the heralds of the new faith as a sin and a crime. The source and seat of all sacred lore was shifted away to far-off regions for ever, and only a fainter borrowed glory could henceforth be shed on places in one's native land.

The new faith came in escorted by a foreign language, which the missionaries imparted to their disciples and thus exalted into a sacred language, which excluded the slighted mother-tongue from almost all share in public worship. This does not apply to the Greek-speaking countries, which could follow the original text of the christian revelation, but it does to the far wider area over which the Latin church-language was spread, even among Romance populations, whose ordinary dialect was rapidly emancipating itself from the rules of ancient Latin. Still more violent was the contrast in the remaining kingdoms.

The converters of the heathen, sternly devout, abstemious, mortifying the flesh, occasionally peddling, headstrong, and in slavish subjection to distant Rome, could not fall in many ways to offend the national feeling. Not only the rude bloody sacrifices, but the sensuous pleasure-loving side of heathenism was to them an abomination (see Suppl.). And what their words or their wonder-working gifts could not effect, was often to be executed against obdurate pagans by placing fire and sword in the hands of christian proselytes.

The triumph of Christianity was that of a mild, simple, spiritual doctrine over sensuous, cruel, barbarizing Paganism. In exchange for peace of spirit and the promise of heaven, a man gave his earthly joys and the memory of his ancestors. Many followed the inner prompting of their spirit, others the example of the crowd, and not a few the pressure of irresistible force.

Although expiring heathenism is studiously thrown into the shade by the narrators, there breaks out at times a touching lament over the loss of the ancient gods, or an excusable protest against innovations imposed from without (8) (see Suppl.).

The missionaries did not disdain to work upon the senses of the heathen by anything that could impart a higher dignity to the Christian cults as compared with the pagan: by white robes for subjects of baptism, by curtains, peals of bells (see Suppl.), the lighting of tapers and the burning of incense. (9) It was also a wise or politic measure to preserve many heathen sites and temples by simply turning them, when suitable, into Christian ones, and assigning to them another and equally sacred meaning. The heathen gods even, though represented as feeble in comparison with the true God, were not always pictured as powerless in themselves; they were perverted into hostile malignant powers, into demons, sorcerers and giants, who had to be put down, but were nevertheless credited with a certain mischievous activity and influence. Here and there a heathen tradition or a superstitious custom lived on by merely changing the names, and applying to Christ, Mary and the saints what had formerly been related and believed of idols (see Suppl.). On the other hand, the piety of christian priests suppressed and destroyed a multitude of heathen monuments, poems and beliefs, whose annihilation history can hardly cease to lament, though the sentiment which deprived us of them is not to be blamed. The practice of a pure Christianity, the extinction of all trace of heathenism was of infinitely more concern than the advantage that might some day accrue to history from their longer preservation. Boniface and Willibrord, in felling the sacred oak, in polluting the sacred spring, and the image-breaking Calvinists long after them, thought only of the idolatry that was practiced by such means (see Suppl.). As those pioneers 'purged their floor' a first time, it is not to be denied that the Reformation eradicated after growths of heathenism, and loosing the burden of the Romish ban, rendered our faith at once freer, more inward and more domestic. God is near us everywhere, and consecrates for us every country, from which the fixing of our gaze beyond the Alps would alienate us.

Probably some sects and parties, non-conformity here and there among the heathen themselves, nay, in individual minds a precocious elevation of sentiment and morals, came half-way to meet the introduction of Christianity, as afterwards its purification (see Suppl.). It is remarkable that Old Norse legend occasionally mentions certain men who, turning away in utter disgust and doubt from the heathen faith, placed their reliance on their own strength and virtue. Thus in the Sôlar lioð 17 we read of Vêbogi and Râdey 'â sik þau trûðu,' in themselves they trusted; of king Hâkon (Fornm. sög. 1, 35) 'konûngr gerir sem allir aðrir, þeir sem trûa â mâtt sinn ok megin,' the king does like all others who trust in their own might and main; of Barðr (ibid. 2, 151) 'ek trûi ekki â skurðgoð eðr fiandr, hefi ek þvî lengi trûat â mâtt minn ok megin,' I trust not in idols and fiends, I have this long while, &c.; of Hiörleifr 'vildi aldri blôta,' would never sacrifice (Landn. 1, 57); of Hallr and Thôrir 'goðlauss vildu eigi blôta, ok trûda â mâtt sinn,' (Landn. 1, 11); of king Hrôlfr (Fornm. sög. 1, 98) 'ekki er þess getit at Hrôlfr konûngr ok kappar hans hafi nokkurn tîma blôtat goð, heldr trûðu â mâtt sinn ok megin,' it is not thought that king H. and his champions have at any time, &c.; of Örvaroddr (Fornald. sög. 2, 165; cf. 505) 'ekki vandist blôtum, þvî hann trûði â mâtt sinn ok megin'; of Finnbogi (p. 272) 'ek trûi â sialfan mik.' This is the mood that still finds utterance in a Danish folk-song (D.V. 4, 27), though without a reference to religion:

Först troer jeg mit gode svärd.

Og saa min gode hest,

Dernäst troer jeg mine dannesvenne,

Jeg troer mig self allerbedst;

and it is Christian sentiment besides, which strives to elevate and consecrate the inner man (see Suppl.).

We may assume, that, even if Paganism could have lived and luxuriated a while longer, and brought out in sharper relief and more spontaneously some characteristics of the nations that obeyed it, yet it bore within itself a germ of disorganization and disruption, which, even without the intervention of Christian teaching, would have shattered and dissolved it. (10) I liken heathenism to a strange plant whose brilliant fragrant blossom we regard with wonder; Christianity to the crop of nourishing grain that covers wide expanses. To the heathen too was germinating the true God, who to the Christians had matured into fruit.

At the time when Christianity began to press forward, many of the heathen seem to have entertained the notion, which the missionaries did all in their power to resist, of combining the new doctrine with their ancient faith, and even of fusing them into one. Of Norsemen as well as Anglo-Saxons we are told, that some believed at the same time in Christ and in heathen gods, or at least continued to invoke the latter in particular cases in which they had formerly proved helpful to them. So even by christians much later, the old deities seem to have been named and their aid invoked in enchantments and spells. Landnâmabôk 3,12 says of Helgi: 'hann trûði â Krist, en þô hêt hann â Thôr til sæfara ok harðræða ok alls þess, er honum þôtti mestu varða'; he believed in Christ, and yet he called upon Thor in voyages and difficulties, &c. Hence the poets too transferred heathen epithets to Christ. Bede 1, 15 relates of Redwald, an East-Anglian king in the beginning of the 7th century: ***  'rediens domum ab uxore sua, a quibusdam perversis doctoribus seductus est, atque a sincereitate fidei depravatus, habuit posteriora pejora prioribus, ita ut in morem antiquorum Samaritanorum, et Christo servire videretur et diis quibus antea serviebat, atque in eodem fano et altare habebat in sacrificium Christi et arulam ad victimas daemoniorum' (see Suppl.).[return the house to his wife, certain seduced by perverted teachers, and the sincere faith depraved, had become worse than ancestors, thus in the custom of old Samaritans, and Christ might be seen serving and who before was serving the light, and in to the same place for sanctuary and altar to Christ, was having sacrifice to the evil spirits]. ***  This helps to explain the relapses into paganism.

The history of heathen doctrines and ideas is easier to write, according as particular races remained longer outside the pale of baptism. Our more intimate acquaintance with the Greek and Roman religion rests upon writings which existed before the rise of Christianity; we are oftener at fault for information as to the altered shape which that religion had assumed among the common people in Greece and Italy during the first centuries of our era. Research has yet to penetrate, even deeper than it has done, into the old Celtic faith; we must not shrink from recognizing and examining Celtic monuments and customs on ground now occupied by Germans. Leo's important discovery on the real bearings of the Malberg glossary may lead to much. The religion of the Slavs and Lithuanians would be far more accurately known to us, if these nations, in the centuries immediately following their conversion, had more carefully preserved the memory of their antiquities; as it is, much scattered detail only wants collecting, and traditions still alive in many districts afford rich material. On the Finnish mythology we possess somewhat fuller information.

Germany holds a middle place, peculiar to herself and not unfavorable. While the conversion of Gaul and that of Slavland were each as a whole decided and finished in the course of a very few centuries, the Teutonic races forsook the faith of their fathers very gradually and slowly, from the 4th to the 11th century. Remains of their language too have been preserved more fully and from the successive periods. Besides which we possess in the works of Roman writers, and especially Tacitus, accounts of the earlier undisturbed time of Teutonic heathenism, which, though scanty and from a foreign source, are yet exceedingly important, nay invaluable.

The religion of the East and South German races, which were converted first, is more obscure to us than that of the Saxons; about the Saxons again we know incomparably less than about the Scandinavians. What a far different insight we should get into the character and contents of the suppressed doctrine, how vastly the picture we are able to form of it would gain in clearness, if some clerk at Fulda, Regensburg, Reichenau or St. Gall, or one at Bremen, Corvei or Magdeburg, had in the eighth, ninth or tenth century, hit upon the plan of collecting and setting before us, after the manner of Saxo Grammaticus, the still extant traditions of his tribe on the beliefs and superstitions of their forefathers! Let no one tell me, that by that time there was nothing more to be had; here and there a footmark plainly shows that such recollections could not really have died out. (11) And who will show me in Sweden, which clung to heathenism longer and more tenaciously, such a composition as actually appeared in Denmark during the twelfth century? But for this fact, would not the doubters declare such a thing impossible in Sweden? In truth, the first eight books of Saxo are to me the most welcome monument of the Norse mythology, not only for their intrinsic worth, but because they show in what an altered light the ancient faith of the people had to be placed before the recent converts. I especially remark, that Saxo suppresses all mention of some prominent gods; what right have we then to infer from the non-mention of many deities in the far scantier records of inland Germany, that they had never been heard of there?

Then, apart from Saxo, we find a purer authority for the Norse religion preserved for us in the remotest corner of the North, whither it had fled as it were for more perfect safety,

namely, in Iceland. It is preserved not only in the two Eddas, but in a multitude of Sagas of various shape, which, but for that emigration coming to the rescue, would probably have perished in Norway, Sweden and Denmark.

To assail the genuineness of the Norse mythology is as much as to cast doubt on the genuineness and independence of the Norse language. That it has been handed down to us both in a clearer and an obscurer shape, through older and more modern authorities, makes it all the easier to study it from many sides and more historically.

Just as little can we fail to perceive the kinship and close connection of the Norse mythology with the rest of Teutonic mythology. I have undertaken to collect and set forth all that can now be known of German heathenism, and that exclusively of the complete system of Norse mythology. By such limitation I hope to gain clearness and space, and to sharpen our vision for a criticism of the Old German faith, so far as it stands opposed to the Norse, or aloof from it; so that we need only concern ourselves with the latter, where in substance or tendency it coincides with that of inland Germany.

The antiquity, originality and affinity of the German and Norse mythologies rest on the following grounds:

1. The undisputed and very close affinity of speech between the two races, and the now irrefutably demonstrated identity of form in their oldest poetry. It is impossible that nations speaking languages which had sprung from the same stock, whose songs all wore the badge of an alliteration either unknown or quite differently applied by their neighbors, should have differed materially in their religious belief. Alliteration seems to give place to christian rhyme, first in Upper Germany, and then in Saxony, precisely because it had been the characteristic of heathen songs then still existing. Without prejudice to their original affinity, it is quite true that the Germans and the Norse dialects and poetry have their peculiarities of form and finish; but it would seem incredible that the one race should have had gods and the other none, or that the chief divinities of the two should have been really different from one another. There were marked differences no doubt, but not otherwise than in their language; and as the Gothic, Anglo-Saxon and Old High German dialects have their several points of superiority over the Old Norse, so may the faith of inland Germany have in many points its claims to distinction and individuality.

2. The joint possession, by all Teutonic tongues, of many terms relating to religious worship. If we are able to produce a word used by the Goths in the 4th century, by the Alamanni in the 8th, in exactly the same form and sense as it continues to bear in the Norse authorities of the 12th or 13th century, the affinity of the German faith with the Norse, and the antiquity of the latter, are thereby vindicated.

3. The identity of mythic notions and nomenclature, which ever and anon breaks out: thus the agreement

of the O.H.G. muspilli, O. Sax. mudspelli, with the Eddic muspell;

of the O.H.G. itis, A. Sax. ides, with the Eddic dîs;

or of the A. Sax. brosinga mene with the Eddic brîsînga men,

affords perfectly conclusive evidence.

4. The precisely similar way in which both there and here the religious myth tacks itself on to the heroic legend. As the Gothic, Frankish and Norse genealogies all run into one another, we can scarcely deny the connection of the veiled myths also which stand in the background.

5. The mingling of the mythic element with names of plants and constellations. This is an un-effaced vestige of the primeval intimate union between religious worship and nature.

6. The gradual transformation of the gods into devils, of the wise women into witches, of the worship into superstitious customs. The names of the gods have found a last lurking-place in disguised ejaculations, oaths, curses, protestations. (12) There is some analogy between this and the transfer of heathen myths from goddesses and gods to Mary and the saints, from elves to angels. Heathen festivals and customs were transformed into christian, spots which heathenism had already consecrated were sometimes retained for churches and courts of justice. The popular religion of the Catholics, particularly in the adoration of saints, includes a good many and often graceful and pleasing relics of paganism (see Suppl.).

7. The evident deposit from god-myths, which is found to this day in various folk-tales, nursery-tales, games, saws, curses, ill-understood names of days and months, and idiomatic phrases.

8. The undeniable intermixture of the old religious doctrine with the system of law; for the latter, even after the adoption of the new faith, would not part with certain old forms and usage (see Suppl.).

In unraveling these complex relations, it appears indispensable not to overlook the mythologies of neighboring nations, especially of the Celts, Slavs, Lithuanians and Finns, wherever they afford confirmation or elucidation. This extension of our scope would find ample reason and justification in the mere contact (so fruitful in many ways) of the languages of those nationalities with Teutonic ones, particularly of the Celtic with Old Frankish, of the Finnish and Lithuanian with Gothic, and of the Slavic with High German. But also the myths and superstitions of these very nations are peculiarly adapted to throw light on the course taken by our domestic heathenism in its duration and decadence.

Against the error which has so frequently done damage to the study of the Norse and Greek mythologies, I mean the mania of foisting metaphysical or astronomical solutions on but half-discovered historical data, I am sufficiently guarded by the incompleteness and loose connection of all that has been preserved. My object is, faithfully and simply to collect what the distortions early introduced by the nations themselves, and afterwards the scorn and aversion of christians have left remaining of heathenism; and to enlist fellow-laborers in the slow task of securing a more solid store of facts, without which a general view of the substance and worth of our mythology is not to be attained (see Suppl.).


1. In a book that deals so much with Heathenism, the meaning of the term ought not to be passed over. The Greeks and Romans had no special name for nations of another faith (for  were not used in that sense); but with the Jews and Christians of the N.T. are contrasted eqnoj, eqnea, eqnikoi, Lat. gentes, gentiles; Ulphilas uses the pl. thiudôs, and by preference in the gen. after a pronoun, thái thiudô, sumái thiudô (gramm. 4, 441, 457), while thiudiskôs translates eqnikwj Gal. 2, 14. As it was mainly the Greek religion that stood opposed to the Judæo-Christian, the word  also assumed the meaning , and we meet with , which the Goths would still have rendered , as he does render , John 7, 35. 12, 20. I Cor. 1, 24. 12, 13; only in I Cor. 1, 22 he prefers Krêkôs. This  = gentilis bears also the meaning of giant, which has developed itself out of more than one national name (Hun, Avar, Tchudi); so the Hellenic walls came to be heathenish, gigantic (see ch. XVIII). In Old High German, Notker still uses the pl. diete for gentiles (Graff 5, 128). In the meanwhile pagus had expanded its narrow meaning of  into the wider one of ager, campus, in which sense it still lives on in It. paese, French pays; while paganus began to push out gentilis, which was lapsing into the sense of nobilis. All the Romance languages have their pagano, payen, &c., nay, it has penetrated into Bohem. pohan, Pol. poganin, Lith. pagonas [but Russ. pogan = unclean]. The Gothic háithi campus early developed an adj. háithns agrestis, campestris = paganus (Ulph. in Mark 7, 26 renders egghnij by háithnô), the Old H.G. heida an adj. heidan, Mid. H.G. and Dutch heide heiden, A.S. hæð hæðin, Engl. heath heathen, Old Norse heiði heiðinn; Swed. and Dan. use hedning. The O.H.G. word retains its adj. nature, and forms its gen. pl. heidanêro. Our present heide, gen. heiden (for heiden, gen. heidens) is erroneous, but current ever since Luther. Full confirmation is afforded by Mid. Lat. agrestis = paganus, e.g. in the passage quoted in ch. IV from Vita S. Agili; and the 'wilde heiden' [wild heathens] in our Heldenbuch is an evident pleonasm (see Supplement).

                2. Waitz's Ulfila, p. 35.

                3. Fourteen Bohemian princes baptized 845; see Palacky 1, 110. The Middle North-slavs

Riaderi, Tolenzi, Kycini, Circipani still heathen in the latter half of the 11th century; see Helmold 1, 21. 23 (an. 1066). The Rugians not till 1168; Helm. 2, 12. 13.

                4.            *** baptizata est Albofledis [Albofledis is baptized]

                Lanthildis chrismata est, [Lanthildis  is annointed] *** Greg. Tur. 2, 31. So among the Goths, chrismation is administered to Sigibert's wife Brunechild (4, 27), and to Ingund's husband Herminichild (5, 38, who assumes the new name of Joannes. The Arians appear to have re-baptized converts from Catholicism; Ingund herself was compelled by her grandmother-mother in law Goisuintha 'ut rebaptizaretur'. Rebaptizare katholicos, Eugippii vita Severini, cap. 8.

                5. Authorities given in Ch. IV.

Conf. lex Frisionum, ed. Gaupp, p. xxiv, 19, 47. Heathenism lasted the longest between Laubach and the Weser.

                6. Fornmanna sögur 4, 116. 7, 151.

                7. Wedekind's notes 2, 275, 276. Rhesa dainos, p. 333. The Lithuanians proper converted 1387, the Samogits 1413.

                8. Fornmanna sögur 1, 31-35. Laxdæla, p. 170. Kralodworsky rukopis, 72, 74.

                9. Greg. Tur. 2, 31. Fornm. sög. 1, 260. 2, 200.

                10. Old Norse sagas and songs have remarkable passages in which the gods are coarsely derided. A good deal in Lokasenna and Harbard's song may pass for rough joking, which still leaves the holiest things unshaken (see Suppl.). But faith has certainly grown fainter, when a daring poet can compare Oðinn and Freyja to dogs (Fornm. sög. 2, 207. Islend. sög. 1, 11. ed. nov. 372. Nialss. 160); when another calls the gods rângeyg (squint-eyed, unfair) and rokindusta (Fornm. sög. 2, 154). When we come to Freyr, I shall quote a story manifestly tending to lessen the reverence for him; but here is a passage from Oswald 2913: *** 'dîn got der ist ein junger tôr (fool), ich wil glouben an den alten.'-[this god who is a young fool, I'll believe in the old ones]--*** If we had a list of old and favorite dogs'-names, I believe we should find that the destinations of several deities were bestowed upon the brute by way of degradation. Vilk. saga, cap. 230. 235, has handed down Thor (but cf. ed. nov., cap. 263) and Paron, one being the O.N., the other the Slav name in the Slovak form Parom = Perun ch. VIII. With the Saxon herdsmen or hunters Thunar was doubtless in use for dogs, as perhaps Donner is to this day. One sort of dog is called by the Poles Grzmilas (Linde 1, 779a. 2, 798), by the Bohemians Hrmiles (Jungm. 1, 759) = Thunder, Forest-thunder. In Helbling 4, 441 seq. I find a dog Wunsch (not Wünsch). Similar to this is the transference of national names to dogs: the Bohemian Bodrok is a dog's name, but signifies an Obotrite (Jungm. 1, 150); Sâmr in the Nialssaga seems to mean a Same, Sabme = Lapp; Helbling 4, 458 has a Frank (see Suppl.).

                11. As late as the tenth century the heroic tale of Walther and Hildegund was poetized in Latin at St. Gall, and a relic of heathen poetry was written down in German [deutlich, a misprint for deutsch? - No: it was clearly written (deutlich)], probably at Merseburg.

                12. Conf. our 'donner! hammer!' the Serv. 'lele! lado!' the Lat. 'pol! aedepol! me hercle! me castor! medius fidius,' &c.




                p. 1, note) Paul. Diac. still uses heathen in the sense of rustici (Pertz, Archiv 7, 334). demo heidanin commane, Diut. 1, 504b. The abbrev. form heid occurs even before Luther: heide rhy. leide, G. Abent. 2, 67. dieser zeginer oder heit, Keller, Fastnachts-sp. p. 823 (like our christ for MHG. kristen, OHG. christani); yet the true genitive is retained in Chr. Weise's Erznarre 190: des jungen heidens los werden.

 Favorite epithets of the heathen are "wild, fierce, grim": wild heathen, wild men of the wild heath, Anegenge 23, 61. conf. Rabenschl. 1080. Neifen 14, 6. MsH. 1, 152a. die wuotendigen heiden, Kaiser-chr. 951. More freq. die übelen heiden, Diemer 158, 18. 162, 2. Morolt 376 seq. die bôsen h., Diemer 170, 24. 179, 17. der übele h., Pantal 1034. der vil arge h. 1847. den h. gramen, Servat. 148 (per contra, hypocrita is transl. dunni cristâni, Diut 1, 239b). Also "dogs," as in Judith 134, 39: þone haeðenan hund. Olaf Tryggv. saga, cap. 68: hund-heidinn. Svenske vis: hednings-hund. Mor. 418: den heidenschen hunt. In Willeh. 58, 16 the Sarrazin ride on dogs and hogs.

Gradually milder terms are used: dat domme heidine, Maerl. 3, 128. des gelouben gest (strangers to faith), Türl. Wh. 15a. heidinen die sunder êwe (without law) lebeten, Roth. 475. People do not like to be taken for heathens: sô bin ich niht ein heiden, MsH. 1, 42a. als ich waere ein heiden 45b. Yet there is pity for them: swie sie wâren heiden, och was zerbarmen umbe sie, Nib. Lament, 437; and Wolfram, like Walther, speaks of them quite humanely, Willeh. 450, 15: "Die nie toufes künde Enpfiengen, ist das sünde, Daz man die sluoc alsam ein vihe (a sin to slay the unbaptized)? Grôzer sünde ich drumbe gihe: Es ist gar Gotes hant-getât, Zwuo und sibenzec sprâche die er hât," they are God's handiwork, 72 languages wherein He speaks.

                pp. 2-4.) Heathens in Italy and at Rome as late as Theoderic, Edict. Theod. 108. Salvianus de gubern. Dei, about 450, contrasts the vices of christian Romans and Provincials with the virtues of heathen Saxons, Franks, Gepidæ and Huns, and of heretical Goths and Vandals; towards the end of bk. 7, he says: 'Gothorum gens perfida, sed pudica est, Alamannorum impudica, sed minus perfida. Franci mendaces, sed hospitales, Saxones crudelitate efferi, sed castitate mirandi;' and further on: 'Vandali castos etiam Romanos esse fecerunt;' conf. Papencordt 271-2. The Bavarian Ratolf is converted in 788: coepi Deum colere, MB. 28b, 7. In the times of Boniface and Sturmi we read: Populi gentis illius (in Noricum), licet essent christiani, ab antiquis tamen paganorum contagiis et perversis dogmatibus infecti, Pertz 2, 366. Alamanns, who appear in Italy 552-3, are still heathens in contrast to the christian Franks, Agathias 2, 1. 1, 7. Eginhard cap. 7 (Pertz 2, 446): Saxones cultui daemonum dediti; cultum daem. dimittere; abjecto daem. cultu, et relictis patriis caerimoniis. The author of Vita Mathildis (Pertz 12, 575) says of the Saxons and of Widukind's family: Stirps qui quondam daem. captus errore, praedicatorum pro inopia idola adorans, christianos constanter persequebatur.

                The Nialssaga cap. 101-6 relates the introduction of Christianity into Iceland in 995-1000. Yet at Nerike by Örebro, as late as the 17th cent., they sacrificed to Thor on certain rocks for toothache, Dybeck runa 1848 p. 26; and to this day old women sacrifice to rivers, and throw the branch on the stone 2, 3, 15. vit erum heiðin is said in Olaf the Saint's time in Gautland, Fornm. sög. 4, 187 and 12, 84. In the Norwegian districts of Serna and Idre, bordering on Dalarne, there were heathens in 1644, Samling (Christiania 1839) 6, 470-1. þa kunni enge maðr Paternoster i Straumi, Werlauff. grenzbest. 20. 37. In Sweden we hear of Oden'' followers in 1578, 1580 and 1601, Geyer Svearikes häfder 2, 329; in a folk-song a woman dreads the heathen that haunt the neighboring wood: 'locka till Thor i fjäll,' Arvidsson 3, 504. Thursday was holy in Sweden till 100 or 150 years ago (p. 191). Relapses into heathenism were frequent there, Hervarars. cap. 20 (Fornald. sög. 1, 512). The secret practice of it was called launblôt, Fornm. sög. 2, 243.

                The Slavs in Pomerania heathens till begin. of 12th century. A heathen festival near Pyritz, and that of Gerovit at Havelberg, Barthold's Gesch. v. Pomm. 2, 34. 76. Giesebrecht's Wend. gesch. 2, 265. 309. Heathen Rans, Barth. 2, 100-1. Pribizlaus of Mecklenburg baptized in 1164, Svantevit's temple destroyed 1168, Lisch's Meckl. jahrb. 11, 10. 97. -

The Slaves between Elbe and Oder were Christians for 70 years, then relapsed about 1013, Helmold 1, 16; adhuc enim (1147) Slavi immolabant daemoniis et non Deo 68. The Prussians still heathen after conversion of Russians 1, 1. -

Some Christians in Hungary in latter half of 10th century, Dümmler's Pilgrim von Passau 36 seq. Some heathens in Esthonia at the present day, Verhandl. 2, 36. The Lapps were still heathen in 1750, Castrén's Reise p. 69.

                Mixed marriages were not entirely forbidden, as Chlodowig's example shows. Such too was Kriemhilt's union with the heathen Etzel, but she takes care to have her son Ortliep baptized, Nibel. 1328.

                p. 5. ) Between heathen baptism (the vatni ausa, the dicare in nomine deorum, Greg. Tur. 2, 29) and christian baptism, stands the prîm-signaz, Egilss. p. 265, a mere signing with the cross. Thus, Gestr is 'prîmsigndr, eigi skîrðr,' Fornald. sög. 1, 314. The pains of hell were made to hang on being unbaptized (p. 918).


Whoever forsook paganica vetustas (Pertz. 2, 342), had to renounce the gods: den goten entfarn = get baptized, Türl. Wh. 130a. To abjure one's faith was abrenuntiare, abjurare, renegare, reneare, Ducange; French renier, Old Fr. renoier, MHG. sich vernoijieren, Nib. 1207, 1. Lament 494. vernoierten sich von den Kristen, Livl. reimchr. 5719. M. Neth. vernogerde, Karel. 2, 75. vernoyert, Pajin 2, 519. 831. vernoyert rh. verghiert. Maerl. 3, 140. OHG. antrunneo, ant-trunneo aba-trunneo = apostata, renegatus, Graff 5, 533. li cuivers renoié, Ducange; tornadie, tornadis = retrayant. Other phrases: den touf hin legen, Livl. r. 6129. lâzen varn krist 6385. What is meant by: 'eosque (Hessians at Amenaburg) a sacrilega idolorum censura, qua sub quodam christianitatis nomine male abusi sunt, evocavit' in the Vita Bonifacii, Pertz 2, 342? probably a christian heresy, as p. 344 says of Thuringians: 'sub nomine religionis falsi fratres maximam hereticae pravitatis introduxerunt sectam,' conf. Rettberg 2, 308. -

The Abrenuntiations declared the ancient gods by name to be devils and unholy. All heathen merrymaking, especially music and dancing, was considered diabolic, pp. 259. 618-9. 770. Feasts, games and customs connected with the old worship were now diaboli pompa, gelp inti zierida. Grieshaber's Serm. p. 48: da man singet und springet in des tievels dienste; conf. Aucassin in Méon's Fabl. 1, 385. Fauriel 3, 190.

                p. 5. ) The mental protest against christianity shows itself in the continuance of the rough heroic conception of Paradise (p. 819). The christian paradise was often rejected, as by Radbod the Frisian, who withdrew his foot from the sacred font, because he did not care to give up the fellowship of his forefathers in hell and sit with a little flock in heaven, Vita Bonif. (Pertz 2, 221). Melis Stoke, rymkron. 1, 24. Comp. the contrary behavior of Gudbrand (Maurer bekehrung 1, 537) and of Sighvatr at the baptism of Magnus, St. Olaf's saga c. 119. Waldemar likes hunting better than heaven, Thiele 1, 48. nit ze himelrîche sîn woldich vür dise reise, Roseng. 110. mir waere ie liep bî ir ze sîn dan bî Got in paradîs, MS. 1, 178a. möht aber mir ir hulde (her favour) werden, ich belibe (I would stay (say - believe?)) ûf der erden alhie, Got liez ich dort die werden (worthies), MS. 2, 16b. daz himelrîche liez ich sîn, und waere bî in iemer wol alsô, Dietr. drachenk. 131b. waz sol ein bezzer paradîs, ob er mac vrô belîben von wol gelopten wîben? MsH. 1, 82b. si waere getreton durch Flôren in die helle, Fl. 5784. si me vauroit miex un ris de vous qu'estre en paradis, Thib. de N. 69. kestre ne voudroie en paradis, se ele nestoit mie 75; conf. 113. The hered. sewer of Schlotheim: 'had you one foot in heaven and one on the Wartburg, you'd rather withdraw the first than the last,' Rommel's Gesch. von Hessen 2, 17. fall from heaven to earth, Schwein. 1, 95. come back from paradise, Chans. histor. 1, 43. --

Eyvindr, like christian martyrs, endures the utmost pains inflicted by Olaf Tryggvason, and will not apostatize, Fornm. sög. 2, 167. The Hist. S. Cuthberti says: quadam die cum Onalaf cum furore intrasset ecclesiam Cuthberti, astante episcopo Cuthheardo et tota congregatione, 'quid, inquit, in me potest homo iste mortuus Cuthbertus, cujus in me quotidie minae opponuntur? juro per deos meos potentes, Thor et Othan, quod ab die hac inimicissimus ero omnibus vobis,' Twysden 73-4. The heathenism smouldering in many hearts is perceptible even in Latin deeds of 1270, Seibertz no. 351.

                p. 5. ) A peal of bells was hateful to heathens, and therefore to giants, p. 950, to dwarfs, p. 459, to witches, p. 1085.

                p. 5. ) Even in christian times the heathen gods are credited with sundry powers. The idols speak, Pass. 307, 2 seq. Barl. 342, 8 or hold their peace, Pass. 306, 24. 34. The Livl. reimchr. 1433 seq. says:

                        Die Littouwen vuoren über sê,

                        daz ist genant daz Osterhap,

                        als ez Perkune ir abgot gap (when P. existed),

                        daz nimmer sô harte gevrôs (froze). Hence the quarrel between the old and new religion was often referred to an ordeal or miracle: 'probemus miraculis, quis sit majoris potentiae, vestri multi quos dicitis dii, an meus solus omnipotens dominus J. Chr.' cries the christian priest in Vita Ansgarii (Pertz 2, 702); and the rain falls in torrents on the heathen Swedes despite their praying, while not a drop touches him. In Greg. Tur. mirac. 1 cap. 81, the ordeal of water decides whether the Arian or Catholic faith be the right one. In the legend of Silvester, the Jew sorcerer first kills a bull in the name of his God, and Silvester brings it to life again by calling upon Christ, W. Grimm's Silv. xv.


p. 6. ) The Romans too had felled sacred trees: 'et robora numinis instar Barbarici nostrae feriant impune bipennes,' Claudian de laud. Stilich. 1, 230. In the same way the Irminsul is destroyed, and Columban breaks the god's images and throws them in the lake (p. 116. 109). Charles has the four captured Saracen idols smashed, and the golden fragments divided among his heroes, Aspremont 11b. 45b-48b. Idols are broken in Barl. and Georg. It is remarkable in Beda 2, 13, that the Coifi himself destroys the heathen temple (p. 92 n.). It was a sign of good feeling at least to build the old images into the church walls.

                p. 6. ) Heathens, that knew not the true God's name, are not always 'wild, doggish, silly,' but sometimes 'die werden heiden,' Titur. 55, 4, die wîsen heiden, Servat. 19. his sylfes (God's) naman, þone yldo bearn aer ne cûðon, frôd fædera cyn þeáh hie fela wiston, Cædm. 179, 15.

                p. 7. ) Trust in one's own strength is either opposed to trust in gods, or combined with it. In the Faereyînga-s. cap. 23, p. 101: 'ek trûi â mâtt minn ok megin' and also 'ek treystumsk hamîngju (genius) minni ok sigr-saeli, ok hefir mer þat vel dugat'; conf. 'trûa magni,' Fornald. sög. 1, 438. The OHG. sô mir ih! (Graff 6, 13) must mean 'so help me I myself.' MHG. has milder formulas: sam mir Got and mîn selbes lîp!¨ Tristan 215, 2. als in (them) Got und ir ellen gebôt, Ernst 1711. als im sîn manlîch ellen jach, Parz. 89, 22. ich gelove God ind mime swerde, Karlmeinet 122, 34. M. Beheim 266, 22 says: si wolten ûf in (them) selber stân; and Gotthelf's Erzähl. 1, 146 makes a strong peasant in Switz. worship 'money and strength.' A giant loses his strength by baptism, Rääf 39. Doubts of God are expressed by Wolfram: ist Got wîse? ....... hât er sîn alt gemüete, Willeh. 66, 18. 20. hât Got getriwe sinne, Parz. 109, 30. Resisting his will is 'ze himele klimmen und Got enterben,' En. 3500. --

On men who pretend to be gods, see p. 385 n.

                p. 7 n. ) God is threatened and scolded, p. 20. With the mockery of Jupiter in Plaut. Trin. iv. 2, 100 agrees the changing of his golden garment for a woollen, and robbing Æsculapius of his golden beard, Cic. de Nat. D. 3, 34. Friðþiofr said: 'enda virði ek meira hylli Ingibiargar enn reiði Baldrs,' Fornald. sög. 2, 59; and pulled B.'s statue by the ring, so that it fell in the fire 86. King Hrôlfr already considers Oðin an evil spirit, illr andi, 1, 95. -

Dogs were named after gods by the Greeks also; Pollux, Onom. 5, 5 cites Korax, Arpuia, Carwn, Lukittaj. A dog named Locke, Sv. folks. 1, 135. Helbling's Wunsch is supported by a Wille in Hadamar v. Laber 289 and Altswert 126, 23. Sturm in Helbl. 4, 459 may have meant Thunder. The lime-bitch is called Heila, Hela, Döbel 1, 86. Nemnich 720. Alke is Hakelberend's dog, Zeitschr. des Osn. ver. 3, 406. A Ruland about 1420, and Willebreht, Ls. 1, 297-8, are exactly like men's names. Many names express the qualities and uses of the animal, such as Wacker, still in use, and leading up to old Norse, Saxon, Skirian and Suevic names, Grimm's D. Sag. 468; its dimin., Wäckerlein, Weckherlin, Wickerlein, Fischart's Spiele 246. 491. Is Wasser, the common name of peasants' dogs in the Mark (Schmidt v. Wern. 253), a corrup. of Wacker? Wackerlos, Vernim, dogs in Froschmeus. Bbb. 5b, Hüterlin in Keisersb. bilg. 140-4-5. Fondling names are Harm, Ls. 2, 411. Holle im Crane p. 30, Bärlin, Garg. 258b, Zuckerl. Jucundiss 54. To the Pol. gromi-zwierz, bait-hound, Linde 1, 779a answers our Hetzebolt, Nic. v. Jeroschin 30, 12. Bello, Greif, Pack-an, Pack-auf (Medic. maulaffe 647), Suoche, Fichard 3, 245, explain themselves; also the Boh. greyhound Do-let, fly-to; O. Norse Hopp and Hoi, Hrolfkr. saga, Hopf in Eulensp., Estula (es-tu-la?), Méon 3, 394-5. Ren. 25355. Not so clear is Strom in Fritz Reuter's Journ. to Belligen 2, 98; is it 'striped'? or conn. with Striun in Helbl. 4, 456 from striunen, to roam? Smutz in Laber 358 must be conn. with schmötzen, to counterfeit the hare's cry, Schmeller 3, 479. Trogen, Sv. äfvent. 1, 51 is our Fidel, trusty. Gramr, Fornald. sög. 1, 87. Gîfr, Geri, two dogs in Fiölsvinns-mâl. Snati, Markusson 174a. Guldtand Norske event. 2, 92. Yrsa, Fornald. sög. 1, 22, Ursa in Saxo. Bettelmann in Bürger 474a and Stallmeister in Tieck's Zerbino express social rank, conf. Malvoisin, Ren. 1664. It were too bold to conn. Leppisch in Pauli Sch. u. ernst 77, with Sâmr = Lapp, in Nialss. 71, or Goth, Goz with the nation so called (Michel's hist. des races maudites 1, 355. D. Sag. 454); more likely that the Silesian sheepdog's name Sachs (Weinhold) meant Saxon; conf. Boh. Bodrok, an Obodrite. King Arthur's dog Cabul, Nenn. 78. Cipriân, dog's name in MsH. 3, 305a.

                p. 8. ) Christ and the old gods are often worshipped together. People got baptized and believed in Christ, en hêto â Thôr til allra storræða. Widukind (Pertz 5, 462) tells, an. 965, of an 'altercatio super cultura deorum in convivio, Danis affirmantibus Christum quidem esse deum, sed alios ei fore majores deos, qui potiora mortalibus signa et prodigia per se ostentabant.' Æthelbert of Kent let heathen idols stand beside christian altars, conf. Lappenb. Engl. gesch. 1, 140. The converted Slavs clung to their old superstitions. Dietmar (Pertz 5, 735) says of the sacred lake Glomuzi: 'hunc omnis incola plus quam ecclesias veneratur et timet;' and at Stettin a heathen priest was for raising an altar to the god of the christians side by side with the old gods, to secure the favour of both, Giesebr. Wend. gesch. 2, 301. -

It is only playfully, and with no serious intention, that the Minne-song links the name of God with heathen deities:

                Ich hân Got und die minneclîchen Minne (love)

                gebeten flêlîche nu vil manic jâr,

                daz ich schier nâch unser drîer sinne

                vinde ein reine wîp.         MS. 1. 184a.

                        Venus, vil edeliu künegîn,

                iuch hât Got, vrowe, her gesant

                ze freuden uns in ditze lant.        Frauend. 233, 26. The longer duration of heathenism, especially of Wôden worship, among the Saxons, is perceptible in the legend of the Wild Host, in many curses and the name of Wednesday. There also the custom of Need-fire was more firmly rooted. The Lohengrin p. 150 still rebukes the unbelief of the wild Saxons.

                p. 11. ) Where there was worship of springs, the Church took the caput aquæ into her department, Rudorff 15, 226-7. In that spell where Mary calls to Jesus, 'zeuch ab dein wat (pull off thy coat), und deck es dem armen man über die sat (over the poor man's crop),' Mone anz. 6, 473, a heathen god is really invoked to shield the cornfield from hail. Quite heathenish sounds the nursery rhyme, 'Liebe frau, mach's türl auf (open your door), lass den regen 'nein, lass 'raus den sonnenschein,' Schmeller 2, 196. Spots in the field that are not to be cultivated indicate their sacredness in heathen times, conf. gudeman's croft in Scotland, the Tothills in England, Hone's Yearb. 873-4. To the disguised exclamations in the note, add w Damater! and the Armoric tan, fire! Villemarqué's Barzas breiz, 1, 76; conf. Pott 1, lvii.

                p. 12. ) To these old customs re-acting on the constitution, to the pelting of idols at Hildesheim and Halberstadt on Lætare-day (p. 190. 783), add this of Paderborn: 'In the cathedral close at P., just where the idol Jodute is said to have stood, something in the shape of an image was fixed on a pole every Lætare Sunday down to the 16th century, and shied at with cudgels by the highest in the land, till it fell to the ground. The ancient noble family of Stapel had the first throw, which they reckoned an especial honour and heirloom. When the image was down, children made game of it, and the nobility held a banquet. When the Stapels died out, the ancient custom was dropped.'

Continu. of M. Klockner's Paderb. chron. The Stapel family were among the four pillars of the see of Paderborn; the last Stapel died in 1545, Erh. u. Gehrk. Zeitschr. f. vaterl. gesch. 7, 379. Compare also the sawing of the old woman (p. 782), the gelding of the devil, the expulsion of Death (p. 767), the yearly smashing of a wooden image of the devil, and the 'riding the black lad' in Hone's Yearb. 1108, Dayb. 2, 467.

                p. 12. ) The Introduction ought to be followed by a general chapter on the contents and character of our Mythology, including parts of Chaps. XIV. and XV., especially the explanation of how gods become men, and men gods.






In all Teutonic tongues the Supreme Being has always with one consent been called by the general name God. The dialectic varieties are: Goth. guð, A.S., O.S.,Old Fris. god, O.H.G. cot, O. Norse goð; Swed. Dan. gud, M.H.G. god; and here there is a grammatical remark to make. Though all the dialects, even the Norse, use the word as masculine (hence in O.H.G. the acc. sing. cotan; I do not know of a M.H.G. goten), yet in Gothic and O. Norse it lacks the nom. sing. termination (-s, -r) of a masc. noun, and the Gothic gen. sing. is formed guðs without the connecting vowel i, agreeing therein with the three irreg. genitives mans, fadrs, brôðrs. Now, as O.H.G. has the same three genitives irreg., man, fatar, pruodar, we should have expected the gen. cot to bear them company, and I do not doubt its having existed, though I have nowhere met with it, only with the reg. cotes, as indeed mannes and fateres also occur. It is more likely that the sanctity of the name had preserved the oldest form inviolate, than that frequent use had worn it down. (1) The same reason preserved the O.H.G. spelling cot (Gramm. 1, 180), the M. Dut. god (1, 486), and perhaps the Lat. vocative deus (1, 1071). (2) Moreover, God and other names of divine beings reject every article (4, 383. 394, 404. 424. 432); they are too firmly established as proper nouns to need any such distinction. The der got in MS. 2, 260a. is said of a heathen deity.

On the radical meaning of the word God we have not yet arrived at certainty; (3) it is not immediately connected with the adj. good, Goth. gôds, O.N., gôðr, A.S. gôd, O.H.G. cuot, M.H.G., guot, as the difference of vowel shows; we should first have to show an intermediacy of the graduations gida gad, and gada gôd, which does take place in some other cases; and certainly God is called the Good. (4) It is still farther removed from the national name of the Goths, who called themselves Gutans (O.H.G. Kuzan, O.N. Gotar), and who must be distinguished from O.N. Gautar (A.S. Geátas, O.H.G. Kôzâ; Goth. Gautôs?).

The word God has long been compared with the Pers. Khodâ (Bopp, comp. gram., p. 35). If the latter be, as has been supposed, a violent contraction of the Zend qvadâta *** (a se datus, increatus [given to oneself, elected], *** Sanskr. svadâta, conf. Dêvadatta Qeodotoj, Mitradatta Hlisdotoj, Sridatta), then our Teutonic word must have been originally a compound, and one with a very apt meaning, as the Servians also address God as samozazdâni bôzhe ! self-created God; Vuk 741.

The O.H.G. cot forms the first half of many proper names, as Cotadio, Cotascalh, Cotafrit, Cotahram, Cotakisal, Cotaperaht, Cotalint, but not so that we can infer anything as to its meaning; they are formed like Irmandio, Hiltiscalh, Sikufrit, and may just as well carry the general notion of the Divine Being as a more definite one. When cot forms the last syllable, the compound can only stand for a god, not a man, as in Irmincot, Hellicot.

In derivatives Ulphilas exchanges the TH for a D, which explains the tenuis in O.H.G. ; thus guda-faurhts (god-fearing) Luke 2, 25, gagudei (godliness) Tit. 1, 1; though the dat. sing. is invariably guða. (5) Likewise in speaking of many gods, which to Christians would mean idols, he spells guda, using it as a neuter, John 10, 34-5. The A.S. god has a neut. pl. godu, when idols are meant (cod. exon. 250, 2. 254, 9. 278, 16.). In like manner the O.H.G. and M.H.G. compound apcot, aptcot (false god) is commonly neuter, and forms its pl. apcotir; whether the M.H.G. 'der aptgot' in Geo. 3254. 3302 can be correct, is questionable; we have taken to using abgott as a masc. throughout, yet our pl. götter itself can only be explained as originally neuter, since the true God is one, and can have no plural; and the O.H.G. cotâ, M.H.G. gote contain so far a contradiction. In Ulph. afguds is only an adj., and denotes *** impius [faithless] *** Sk. 44, 22; afgudei impietas, Rom. 11, 26; eidwla he translates by galiuga *** (figmenta [fetters])***, 1 Cor. 5, 10. 10, 20. 28, or by galiugaguda, 1 Cor 10, 20; and eidwleiou by galiugê staðs, 1 Cor. 8, 10. Another N.H.G. expression götze I have discussed, Gramm. 3, 694; Luther has in Deut. 12, 3 'die götzen ihrer götter, making *** götze = idolum [spirit, ghost].***  In Er. Alberus fab. 23, the götz is a demigod (6) (see Supple.). The O.N. language distinguished the neut. goð *** idolum [spirit, ghost] *** from the masc. guð *** deus.[god] ***  Snorri 119 says of Sif 'it hârfagra goð,' the fairhaired god; I do not know if a heathen would have said it.

In curses and exclamations, our people, from fear of desecrating the name of God, resort to some alteration of it: (7) potz wetter! potz tausend! or, kotz tausend! kotz wunder! instead of Gottes; but I cannot trace the custom back to our ancient speech. The similar change of theFrench dieu into bieu, bleu, guieu (8) seems to be older (see Suppl.).

Some remarkable uses of the word God in our older speech and that of the common people may also have a connexion with heathen notions.

Thus it is thrown in, as it were, to intensify a personal pronoun (see Suppl.). Poems in M.H.G. have, by way of giving a hearty welcome: gote unde mir willekomen; Trist. 504. Frib. Trist. 497. gote sult ir willekomen sin, iurem lande unde mir (ye shall be welcome to God, your country, and me); Trist. 5186. got alrêst, dar nâch mir, west willekomen; Parz. 305, 27. wis willekomen mir und got; Frauend. 128, 13. sit mir gote wilkomen (9) ; Eilh. Trist. 248. rehte got wilkomen mir; Dietr. 5200. Nu sit ouch mir got wilkomen; Dietr. 5803. sit willekomen got und ouch mir; Dietr. 4619. nu wis mir got wolkomen; Oswalt 208, 406. 1163. 1268. 1393. 2189. du solt grôz willekomen sin dem richen got unde mir; Lanz. 1082. wis mir unde ouch got wilkomen; Ls. 1, 514. Occasionally gote stands alone: diu naht si gote willekomen; Iw. 7400, explained in the note, p. 413, as 'devoted to God,' though it only means 'to-night be (thou) welcome'. Upper Germany has to this day retained the greeting 'gottwilche, gottwillkem, gottikum, skolkuom' (Stald. 1, 467. Schm. 2, 84). I do not find it in Romance poems; but the Saxon-Latin song of the 10th century on Otto I. and his brother Heinrich has: sid wilicomo bêhiu goda ende mi. The Supreme Being is conceived as omnipresent, and is expected, as much as the host himself, to take the new-comer under his protection; so the Sloveny say to the arriving guest 'bôgh té vsprimî, God receive you!' (10) and we to the parting guest 'God guide, keep, bless you!' We call it commending or committing one to God, M.H.G. gote ergeben, Er. 3598. I compare with these the Hail! called out to one who arrives or departs (heill ver þu! Sæm. 67, 86), with which are also associated the names of helpful gods: heill þu farir, heill þu âsyniom sêr! fare thou well, be thou well by (the aid of) the Asynior; Sæm. 31. heill scaltu Agnarr, allz þic heilan biðr vera týr vera! Sæm. 40.

In the same way the name of the omniscient God emphasizes an assurance of knowledge or ignorance: *** daz weiz got unde ich; [that know God and I] Trist. 4151. den shatz weiz nu nieman wan (except) got unde mîn; [the treasure (?) knows nobody except God and me] ***  Nib. 2308, 3. (11) This comfortable combination of I with God has for its counterpart the opprobrious one of a thou with devil, ch. XXXIII. Here too the got alone is enough: ingen vet min sorg utan gud; Svenska visor 2, 7. That we are fully justified in referring these modes of speech so far back as to the heathen time, is shown by a remarkable passage in Fornald. sög. 1, 380: ek hugða engan kunna nema mik ok Oðinn. By secrets which none can know save Oðinn and to whomsoever he has whispered them, his divinity is at once revealed, Sæm. 38, 95, Fornald. sög. 1, 487. Not quite parallel are phrases such as: daz geloube gote unde mir; Amis 989. iu unde gote von himile klage ich unser leit; Nib. 1889, 3. ik klage gode unde iu; Richsteig landr. 11. 16. 37. ***  sanc die messe beide got u. in [sung the mass God and him] *** ; Parz. 378, 25. Wh. 289, 5. neic si im unde gote; Iw. 6013. Also in Old Fr., jel to pardoins de diu et de mi; Mones untersuch. 245. Sometimes the Evil One is named by the side of the Deity: got noch den tiuvel loben; Iw. 1273. *** in beschirmet der tiuvel noch got [him protected by Devil nor by God];*** Iw. 4635, i.e. no one protects him.

Poems of the Middle Ages attribute human passions to God; especially is He often pictured in a state of complacency and joy (see Suppl.), and again in the contrary state of wrath and vengeance. The former is favourable to the creation of eminent and happily endowed men; got was an einer suezen zuht, do'r Parzivâlen worhte (God was in amiable trim form, training when he made Percival); Parz. 148, 26. got der was vil senftes muotes, dô er geshuof sô reine ein wip; MS. 1, 17. got der was in fröiden, dô er dich als ebene maz (so evenly meted); MS. 1, 22. got in grossen freuden was, dô er dich schuof (i.e., created wine);  Altd. bl. 1, 413.  got der was in hôhem werde (12) do er geschuof die reinen fruht, wan ime was gar wol ze muote; MS. 1, 24. got si zer werlde brâhte, dô ze freuden stuont sin muot; Wigal. 9282. got der was vil wol gemuot, dô er schuof sô reinem wibe tugent, wünne, schæne an libe; MS. 1, 201. got was gezierde milte, der si beide schuof nâch lobe; Troj. 19922. got selb in rîchen freuden was, dô er ir lip als ebene maz; Misc. 2, 186. ich weiz daz got in fröiden was, dô er niht, frouwe, an dir vergaz waz man ze lobe sol schouwen. Ls. 1, 35. *** So a troubadour sings: belha domna, de cor y entendia Dieus, quan formet vostre cors amoros [beautiful dame, of body expert was God, when shaped your body amorous];***  Rayn. 1, 117(13) It is an equally heathen sentiment, that imputes to God a propensity to gaze at human beauty, or to do whatever men do: got möhte selbe gerne sehen die selben juncfrouwen; Fragm. 22. gott möht in (him, i.e. the musician) gerne hæren in sinen himelkæren; Trist. 7649. den slac scolte got selbe haben gesehen (should have seen that stroke); Rol. 198, 18. Karl 72. got selbe möht ez gerne sehen; Trist. 6869. ein puneiz (diadem), daz in got selber möhte sehen; Frauend. 84, 16. gestriten dazz d'engel möhten hæren in den niun kæren; Willeh. 230, 27. si möhte nâch betwingen mite (might nigh compel withal) eines engels dedanc, daz er vil lihte einen wanc durch si von himele tæte (fail from heaven for her); Iw. 6500 (imitated by Ottocar 166). ich weiz daz wol, daz sin got nicht verdrüzze; MS. 2, 127. ir hâr gelich dem golde, als ez got wünschen solde; MS. 2, 62. sin swert dat geine (ging, went) an siner hant, dat got selve vrâchde mêre (would ask to know),*** we der ritter wêre? [who the rider was?] dey engele muosten lachen [the engels must laugh], *** dat hey is sus kunde machen; Haupts zeitschr. 3, 24. This hilarity of the attendant guardian-angels (ch. XXVIII) or valkürs must be thought of in connexion with the laughing of ghosts (ch. XXXI). In Hartmann's Erec, when Enite's white hands groomed (begiengen) a horse, it says 355: und wære, daz got hien erde rite, ich wæn, in genuocte da mite, ob er solhen marstaller hæte. This view of a sympathizing, blithe and gracious god, is particularly expressed in the subst. huldi, O.N. *** hylli [grace] : Oðins hylli [Odin's grace];***  Sæm. 47. Ullar hylli ok allra goða; Sæm. 45.

On the other hand, of the primitive sensuous representation of an angry avenging deity (see Suppl.), the most striking example will be treated of presently in ch. VIII, under Donar, thunder. (14)The idea recurs several times in the Edda and elsewhere: reiðr er þer Oðinn, reiðr er þer Asabragr; Sæm. 85. Oðinn ofreiðr; Sæm. 228. *** reið varð þâ Freyja oc fnasaði; Sæm 71.- wroth was Freyja and snorted (or panted) -  as the angry wolf, in Reinh. XLII spirtles out his beard. guðin reið ordin; Fornm. sög. 2, 29. 231. goða gremi (deorum ira [anger of the Gods]) is announced; Egilss. 352. at gremia goð (offendere deos [to give offence to God])*** ; Fornald. sög. 2, 69.

was imo god âbolgan; Hel. 157, 19. than wirdid iu waldand gram, mahtig môdag; Hel. 41, 16 (elsewhere: diu Sælde, or the world, earth, is gram). ein zornec got in daz gebôt (bade them), daz uns hie suohten mit ir her; Parz. 43, 28. hie ist geschehen gotes râche; Reinh. 975. got wil vervüeren sinen zorn; Osw. 717. ich wæne daz got ræche da selbe sinen anden (wreak his vengeance); Gudr. 845, 4. daz riuwe got! (God rue it); Trist. 12131. daz ez got immer riuwe! Trist. 11704. The Lex Bajuv. 6, 2, in forbidding Sunday labour, says: *** quia talis causa vitanda est, quae Deum ad iracundiam provocat, et exinde flagellamur in frugibus et penuriam patimur. [because we have to avoid the cause, which provokes God's wrath,  and thence we are floged in our crops and we suffer need]***  How coarse were the expressions still used in the 17th century! "An abuse that putteth God on his mettle, and maketh him to hold strict and pitiless inquisition, that verily he shall, for saving of his honour, smite thereinto with his fists"; and again: "to run upon the spears of an offended jealous God".(15) A wicked man was in the Mid. Ages called gote leide, loathed by God. One form of imprecation was to consign a man to God's hatred: ûz in gotes haz! Trist. 5449. ûz strichet (sheer off) balde in gotes haz! Trist. 14579. nu vart den gotes haz alsom ein bæswiht von mir hin! Frauend. 109, 12. mich hât der gotes haz bestanden; Kl. 518. iuch hât rehte gotes haz (al. foul weather, the devil, &c) daher gesendet beide; Iw. 6104. sô müeze ich haben gotes haz; Altd. w. 3, 212. varet hen an godes haz! Wiggert 2, 47. nu mueze er gewinnen gotes haz; Roth 611. In like manner the MLG. godsat hebbe! Huyd. op St. 2, 350. Reinaert 3196. (16) But, what deserves particular notice, this formula 'in gotes haz,' or in acc. without prepos. 'gotes haz varn, strichen' has a perfect parallel in another which substitutes for God the sun, and so heightens the heathenish colouring; ir sult farn der sunnen haz! Parz. 247, 26. var der sunnen haz! Unprinted poems of Rüediger 46. hebe dich der sunnen haz! Er. 93. nu ziuhe in von mir der sunnen haz! Helmbr. 1799. si hiezen in strichen in der sunnen haz; Eracl. 1100. hiez in der sunnen haz hin varn; Frauend. 375, 26. A man so cursed does not deserve to have the sun shine on him kindly. The Vandal Gizerich steps into his ship, and leaves it to the winds where they shall drive it to, or among what people he shall fall that God is angry with, . Procop. de bello Vand. 1, 5.

Such hostile attitude breeds now and then a rebellious spirit in men, which breaks out in promethean defiance and threats, or even takes a violent practical turn (see Suppl.). Herodotus 4, 94 says of the Thracians: .- If the god denied the assistance prayed for, his statue was flung into the river by the people, immersed in water, or beaten. -In the Carolignian romances we repeatedly come upon the incident of Charles threatening the Deity, that if he deny his aid, he will throw down his altars, and make the churches with all their priests to cease from the land of the Franks; e.g. Ferabr. 1211, 1428, &c. So dame Breide too threatens to uncover the altar and break the holy relics; Orendel 2395; and Marsilies actually, after losing the battle, has the houses of his gods pulled down; Rol. 246, 30. If the vintage failed, the statue of Urban was thrown into a bath or the river. (17)The Arcadians would scourge their Pan with squills (skillaij), when they returned bootless from the chase (Theocr. 7, 106). The Greeks imputed to their gods not only anger and hate, but envy, love of mischief, nemesij.


EPITHETS OF GOD (see Suppl.). In our modern speech: der liebe, liebste, gnädige, (18) grosse, gute, allmächtige. In our older tongue: hêrre got der guote: Reinh. 1296. Gute frau, 276. hêrro the gôdo; Hel. 78, 3. 90, 6. frô min the gôdo; 143, 7. gnædeger trehtin; Reinh. 1309.

Freg. the rich God: thie rîkeo Christ; Hel. 1, 2. rîki god; Hel. 195, 9. rîki drohtin; Hel. 114, 22. der rîche got von himele; Roth. 4971. got der rîche; Nib. 1793, 3. Trist. 2492. durch den rîchen got von himel, Morolt 3526. der rîche got mich ie gesach; V.d. wibe list 114. (19)

Cot almahtico, cot heilac; Wessobrunn. Gebet. mahtig drohtin; Hel. 2, 2. freá ælmihtig; Cædm. 1, 9. 10, 1. se ælmihtiga wealdend; Thorpe's anal. 83. mannô miltisto *** (largissimus [the largest]);***  Wessobr. Geb. vil milter Christ; Cod. pal. 350, 56.

The AS. has freq.: êce dryhten, æternus; Cædm. 246, 11. Beow. 3382. 3555. 4655. Also: *** witig god, sapiens [knowledgeable God] ***; Beow. 1364, 2105. Cædm. 182, 24. witig dryhten; Beow. 3101. 3679. Cædm. 179, 8. witig wuldoreyning; Cædm. 242, 30.

Waltant got; Hild. waldindinger got; Roth. 213. 523. 1009. 2332. 4031. waltant Krist: OV. 25, 91. Gudr. 2243. (AS.) wealdend; Cædm. 17, 15. þeoda wealdend. fæder alwealda; Beow. 630. (OS.) waldand; Hel. 4,5. 6, 6. waldand god 3, 17. waldand drohtin 1, 19. alowaldo 4, 8. 5, 20. 8, 2. 69, 23. This epithet is not found in the Edda. The notion of 'wielding', *** dominari [to be master], regere [to rule],*** is further applied to the Supreme Being in the phrase es walten, Parz. 568, 1. En. 7299. 10165. 13225. So our gottwalt's! M. Dut. godwods! Huyd. op St. 2, 548. Our acc. in 'das walt Gott!' is a blunder; Agricola 596. Praet. weltb. 2, 50.

God is occasionally called the Old: der alte Gott lebt noch, i.e. the same as ever. A.S. eald metod. MGH. hât got sîn alt gemüete; Wh. 66, 20. der alde got; Roth. 4401. popul. 'der alte Vater'. In a Servian song (Vuk 2, 244. Montenegro 101), bôgh is named 'stari krvnik', the old bloodshedder, killer; and in Frauenlob MS. 2, 214 der alte friedel (sweetheart). The 13th century poets sometimes use the Lat. epithet *** altissimus [the oldest],*** Wh. 216, 5. 434, 23. Geo. 90, 401; with which may be compared the MHG. diu hôhste hant, Parz. 484, 6. 487, 20. 568, 8. Wh. 134, 7. 150, 14. and the OHG. zi waltanteru henti, OV. 25, 91.

The 'all-wielding' God is at the same time the all-seeing, all-knowing, all-remembering; hence it is said of fortunate men, that God saw them, and of unfortunate, that God forgot them: (OHG.) *** kesah tih kot! = O te felicem![O you happy one!] *** [N. Boeth. 145. (MHG.) gesach in got! = happy he! Altd. bl. 1, 347. sô mir got ergaz; Troj. kr. 14072. sô hât got min vergezzen; Nib. 2256, 3. wie gar iuwer got vergaz (how utterly God forgot you); Iw. 6254. got min vergaz; Ecke 209. got hæte sin vergezzen; Trist. 9243. genædelicher trehtin, wie vergæze dû ie mîn sô? Trist. 12483. For other examples, see Gramm. 4, 175.

God, by regarding, guards: daz si got iemer shouwe! Iw. 794. O. Engl. God you see! God keep you in his sight!

Among substantive epithets are several which God has in common with earthly rulers (see Suppl.):

Gothic fráuja OS. frôho, frô, AS. freâ; which name I shall treat of more fully by and by.  OHG. truhtîn, MHG. trehtîn, OS. drohtin, AS. dryhten, ON. drôttinn.

OHG. hêriro, MHG. hêrre, which however, when used of God, is never contracted into her, any more than Dominus into the Romance domnus, don.

Conspicuous above all is the name Father (see Suppl.). In the Edda, alföðr. (Sæm. 46 88 154. Sn. 3. 11. 17), herfaðir, herja faðir, valfaðir are applied to Oðinn as the father of all gods, men and created things. Such compounds are not found in other dialects, they may have sounded heathenish; though the AS. could use fæder alwealda, Beow. 630, *** [in the modern accounting, this expression is found in verse 316: "fæder alwalda / mid arstafum   eowic gehealde" = Father Almighty / in grace and mercy guard you well] *** and the idea of God as Father became more familiar to the christians than to heathens. The OHG. altfatar = grandfather, O. i. 3, 6. AS. ealdfæder, Beow. 743. 1883, I have nowhere seen applied to God. As the Greeks coupled together Zeuj pathr, esp. in the voc. Zeu pater, and the Romans Jupiter, Diespiter, Dispiter, Mars *** pater [father],*** (20)as well as Dhmthr, Damathr,*** Terra mater [Earth mother] ,*** so the Lettons bestow on almost every goddess the epithet *** mahte, mahmina = mater, matercula [mother, beloved mother] *** (Büttner 244. Bergmann 142), on which we shall have more to say hereafter. To all appearance, father Goth. fadr is connected with faþs lord, as pater pathr is with potij, posij , Lith. pats.

The AS. meotod, metod, Cædn. 233, 14. eald metod, Beow. 1883. sóð metod, Beow. 3222. OS. metod, Hel. 4, 13. 15, 17. 66, 19, an expression which likewise appears in the Edda, miötuðr Sæm. 226 241, seems to signify Creator, as verbally it bears the sense of *** mensor, moderator, finitor [surveyor, governor, limitator].*** The full meaning of metod will not be disclosed, till we have a more exact knowledge of the relation between the Goth. mitan (to mete) and máitan (to cut), the OHG. mëzan and meizan; in the Lat. *** metiri and metere [to measure and to be able to measure],*** besides there being no shifting of consonant (d for t), the quantity is inverted. The ON. miötuðr appears to be also *** sector, messor [cutter, reaper];***  in Snorri 104. 105, the wolf's head with which Heimdall was killed is called ***'miötuðr Heimðallar,' [Heimdal's reaper]*** and the sword is 'mans miötuðr'; so in Fornald. sög. p. 441, 'manna miötuðr' (see Suppl.). In MHG. too, the poets use mezzan of exquisite symmetry in creating: dô sin (Wunsch's) gewalt ir bilde maz; Troj. 19626. got selb in richen fröuden was, dô er ir lip als ebene maz; Misc. 2, 186. er sol ze rehte lange mezzen, der an si sô ebene maz, daz er au si zer werlte nie nâch vollem wunsche weder des noch des vergaz; MS. 1, 154. got der was in fröiden, dô er dich als ebene maz; MS. 1, 22 wer kunde in sô gemezzen, Tit. 130. 1. anders denne got uns maz, dô er ze werke über mich gesaz, Parz. 518, 21. 'ein bilde mezzen' is therefore the same thing as *** 'ein bild schaffen' [to make an image, a symbol]*** to create (Troj. 19805), or giezen to cast, mould (Walth. 45, 25. MS. 1, 195. 2, 226); and in Suchenwirt 24, 154 it says: 'got het gegozzen ûf ir vel, ir mündel rôt und wiz ir kel'; which throws a significant light on the Gothic tribal name Gáuts, A.S. Geát OHG. Kôz (see Suppl.).

AS. scippend, creator, OHG. scefo, scephio, MHG. schepfære, Wh. 1, 3. NHG. shöpfer.

Some of these names can be strung together, or they can be intensified by composition: drohtin god, Hel. 2. 13. waldand frô min, Hel. 148, 14. 153, 8. *** freá dryhten, [I did not find it. However, the genitive "freadrihtnes" = of the lordly Lord, is used speaking of Beowulf in verse 796] *** Beow. 62. 186. lîf-freá, Cædm. 2, 9. 108, 18. 195, 3. 240, 33. Beow. 4. The earthly cunning with a prefix can be used of God: wuldorcyning, king of glory, Cædm. 10, 32. hevancuning, Hel. 3, 12, 18. 4, 14. 5, 11. and synonymously with these, rodora weard, Cædm. 11, 2. or the epic amplification, irminögot obana ab hevane, Hild. got von himele, Nib. 2090, 4. 2114, 1. 2132, 1. 2136, 1.

Of such epic formulas (see Suppl.), beautiful specimens, all of one tenour, can be cited from the poets, especially the Romance: they are mostly borrowed from God's dwelling-place, his creative power, his omnipotence, omniscience and truth:

Dios aquel, que esta en alto, Cid 800. 2352. 2465. qui la amont el seint cel maint (abides), Ren. 26018. qui maint el firmament, Berte 129. 149. der hôho sizet unde nideriu sihet, N. ps. 112, 5. *** qui haut siet et de loing mire [who high sits and far watches], Ren. 11687. qui haut siet et loins voit, [who high sits and far sees], *** Berte 44, 181. Guitecl. 2, 139. der über der blauen decke sitzt, Melander Jocoseria 1, 439. cot almahtico, dû himil inti erda gaworahtôs (wroughtest heaven and earth), Wessobr. Geb. cel senhor, qui lo mon a creat,*** [the sire who the world created] *** Ferabr. 775. *** qui tot le mont forma,[who all the world formed] *** Berte 143. que fezit mueyt e dia, Ferabr. 3997. per aycel senhor que fetz cel e rozada (sky and dew), Ferabr. 2994. 4412. *** qui fist ciel et rousee, [who did sky and dew] *** Berte 28. 66. 111. 139. 171. 188. Aimon 876. *** qui feis mer salee [who did sea salted] ,***  Berte 67. *** qui fist et mer et onde [who did sea and water], Méon 3, 460. des hant daz mer gesalzen hât, Parz. 514, 15. qui fait courre la nue [who makes run the clouds], Berte 136. 183 (nefelhgereta Zeuj). par celui qui fait toner, [by whom makes thunder]  Ren. 16658. 17780. par qui li soleus raie, [by whom the sun shines] *** Berte 13. 81. der himel und erde gebôt und die mergriezen zelt (counts the sea-sands, or pebbles), Mar. 18. det der sterne zal weiz, Wh. 466, 30. der die sterne hât gezalt, Parz. 629, 20. der uns gap des mânen (moon's) schîn, Wh. 476, 1.***  qui fait croitre et les vins et les blez,[who makes grow wines and corns] *** Ferabr. 163. der mir ze lebene geriet (planned), Nib. 2091, 4. Kl. 484. der mir ze lebene gebôt, Mar. 24. (M. Dut) bi den here die mi ghebôt (Gramm. 4, 134), die mi ghewrochte, Elegast 345. 451. 996. *** qui tot a a baillier (oversee) who has everything given, Berte 35. qui tot a a garder [who has everything to keep], Berte 7. que totz nos a jutgier [who all us has judged] , Ferabr. 308. 694 1727. the mancunnies forwardôt, Hel. 152, 5. qui sor tos homes puet et vaut [who on all men can and measures], *** Méon 4, 5. dominus qui omnia potest [god who all may], Docum. of 1264 in Wenk 3, no. 151. wider den nieman vermac, A. Heinr. 1355. der aller wunder hât gewalt, Parz. 43, 9. der git unde nimt (gives and takes), Parz. 7 9. der weinen und lachen geschuof, Wh. 258, 19. der beidiu krump unde sleht gescuof (both crooked and plain), Parz. 264, 25. der ane sihet alle getougen (secrets), Diut. 3, 52. der durch elliu herzen siht, Frid. 355. der in diu herze siht, Wh. 30, 29. der ie daz guote geriet (aye the good devised), Greg. 2993. their suntilôso man (sinless), O. iii, 21, 4. dem nie voller genâden zeran (tear, waste), Er. 2490. ** qui onques ne menti (nunquam mentitus [who never lied]), Berte 82. 96. 120. 146. Méon 3, 8. icil dieu qui ne ment, et qui fist tot quanque mer serre,[wrong citation from the ci du vilain mire, « Sire, por Dieu qui ne menti, Si m’aït Diex, je vous dis bien … » Majesty, for God who never lied, If God hears me, I tell you sincerely … » ?] *** Ren. 19338. er mik skôp ok öllu ræðr, Fornm. sög. 1, 3. sâ er öllu ræðr, ibid. 8, 107. er sôlina hefði skapat, ibid. 1, 242. hêt â þann sem sôlina skapaði, Landn. p. 139.

If, in some of the preceding names, epithets and phrases descriptive of God, unmistakable traces of Heathenism predominate, while others have barely an inkling of it, the following expressions are still more indisputably connected with the heathen way of thinking.

In the Norse mythology, the notion of a Deus, Divus, if not of the uppermost and eldest, yet of a secondary rank, which succeeded to power later, is expressed by the word âs, pl. æsir (see Suppl.). Landâs ) Egilss. pp. 365-6) is patrium numen, and by it Thor, the chief god of the North, is designated, though âs is given to Oðinn (Landn. 4, 7). âsmegin is divine power: tha vex honum âsmegin halfu, Sn. 26. færaz î âsmegin, Sn. 65. But the name must at one time have been universal, extending over Upper Germany and Saxony, under such forms as: Goth. OHG. ans, pl. anseis, ensî, AS. ôs, pl. ês (conf. our gans, with ON. gâs, pl. gæss, AS. gôs, pl. gês; and hôse = hansa). It continued to form a part of proper names: Goth. Ansila, OHG. Anso; the OHG. Anshelm, Anshilt, Anspald, Ansnôt correspond in sense to Cotahelm, Catahilt, &c.; AS. Osweald, Oslâf, Osdæg, Osrêd; ON. Asbiörn, (21)Asdîs, Asgautr, Aslaug, Asmundr, &c.

Now in Ulphilas Lu. 2, 41-2, ans denotes a beam, dokoj, which is also one meaning of the ON, âs, whether because the mighty gods were thought of as joist, rafter and ceiling of the sky, or that the notions of jugum and mountain-ridge were associated with them, for âs is especially used of jugum terræ, mountain-ridge, Dan. bierg-aas (dettiâs = sliding beam, portcullis, Landn. 3, 17). But here we have some other together 'êsa gescot' and 'ylfa gescot,' the shots of anses and of elves, jaculum divorum et geniorum, [the javelin of gods and of the guardian spirits] just as the Edda does æsir and âlfar, Sæm. 8. 71. 82, 83. Jornandes says, cap. 13: Tum Gothi, magna potiti per loca victoria, jam proceres suos quasi qui fortuna vincebant, non puros homines, sed semideos, id est anses (which would be anseis) vocavere [then the Goths, get large possessions by means of victory, now those who by chance were conquering, not as pure men, but as demigods, this how they have been called]. What can be plainer? The Norse æsir in like manner merge into the race of heroes, and at much the same distance from an elder dynasty of gods whom they have dethroned. And here the well-known statement of Suetonius and Hesychius, (22) that the Etruscans called the gods æsares or æsi, may fairly be called to mind, without actually maintaining the affinity of the Etruscan or Tyrrhenian race with the ancient German, striking as is the likeness between turrhnoj, turshoj and the ON, þurs, OHG, durs. (23)

The significance of this analogy, however, is heightened, when we observe that the Etruscan religion, and perhaps also the Roman and the Greek, supposed a circle of twelve superior beings closely bound together and known by the name of dii consentes or complices (see Suppl.), exactly as the Edda uses the expressions höpt and bönd, literally meaning vincula [chains], for those high numina [divine wills](Sæm. 24 89. Sn. 176. 204), and also the sing. hapt and band for an individual god (Sæm. 93). Though haptbandun in the Merseburg poem cannot with certainty be taken to mean the same thing (the compound seems here to denote mere bodily chains), it is possible that deus dioj and dew I bind; that same 'ans' a yoke, is the same thing as the 'brace and band' of all things; neither can we disregard the fact that twelve is likewise the number of the Norse æsir; conf. Sæm. 3: 'æsir or Því liði' of the set, kindred.

Some other appellations may be added in support. In the earliest period of our language, the neut. ragin meant consilium. Now the plural of this, as used in the Edda, denotes in a special manner the plurality of the gods (see Suppl.) Regin are the powers that consult together, and direct the world; and the expressions blið regin, (24) holl regin (kind, merciful gods), uppregin, ginregin (superæ potestates [supreme powers]) have entirely this technical meaning. Ragnaröker (Goth. raginê reqvis? dimness, darkness of gods) signifies the end of the world, the setting of the divine luminaries. Sæm. 89 has "rögnir ok regin" coupled together, rögnir (cf. 196) being used to distinguish the individual ragineis (raguneis?), masc. These ON. regin would be Goth. ragina, as the höpt and bönd are Gothic hafta and banda, all neut.

The same heathen conception peeps out in the OS. regangiscapu, reganogiscapu, Hel. 79, 13. 103, 3, equivalent to fatum, destiny, the decree and counsel of the gods, and synonymous with wurdgiscapu, Hel. 103, 7, from wurd, fatum [fate]. And again in metodogiscapu, Hel. 66, 19. 147, 11. We have seen that metod likewise is a name for the Supreme Being, which the christian poet of the Heliand has ventured to retain from the heathen poetry. But these gen. plurals regano, metodo again point to the plurality of the binding gods.

The collection of Augustine's letters contains (cap. 178), in the altercatio with Pascentius, a Gothic or perhaps a Vandal formula sihora armen, the meaning of which is simply kurie elehson. (25) Even if it be an interpolation, and written in the fifth or sixth century, instead of at the end of the fourth, it is nevertheless remarkable that sihora should be employed in it for God and Lord. Ulphilas would have said: fráuja armái. The inf. armên, if not a mistake for armê, might do duty as an imperative; at the same time there is a Finn. and Esth. word armo signifying gratia, misericordia [love, pity]. But sihora, it seems, can only be explained as Teutonic, and must have been already in heathen times an epithet of God derived from his victorious might (see Suppl.) Goth. sigris, ON. Sigr, OHG. sigu, AS. sige victoria, triumphus [victory, victory parade]. Oðinn is styled sigrgoð, sigtýr, sigföður; and the Christian poets transfer to God sigidrohtîn, Hel. 47, 13. 114, 19. 125, 6. sigidryhtem, Cædm. 33, 21. 48, 20. sigmetod, Beow. 3544. vîgsigor, Beow. 3108. (26) elsewhere sigoradryhten, sigorafreá, sigorawealdend, sigoragod, sigoracyning. It is even possible that from that ancient sihora sprang the title sira, sire still current in Teutonic and Romance languages. (27)

The gods being represented as superi and uppregin, as dwelling on high, in the sky, uphimin, up on the mountain height (âs, ans), it was natural that individual gods should have certain particular mountains and abodes assigned them.

Thus, from a mere consideration of the general names for God and gods, we have obtained results which compel us to accept an intimate connexion between expressions in our language and conceptions proper to our heathenism. The 'me and God,' the gracious and the angry God, the frôho (lord) and the father, the beholding, creating, measuring, casting, the images of ans, fastening, band, and ragin, all lead both individually, and with all the more weight collectively, into the path to be trod. I shall take up all the threads again, but I wish first to determine the nature and bearings of the cultus.


1. The drift of these remarks seems to be this: The word, though used as a masc., has a neut. form, is this an archaism, pointing to a time when the word was really neuter; or a mere irregularity due to abrition, the word having always been masc.? --TRANS.

2. Saxo does not inflect Thor; Uhland p. 108.

                3. The Slav. bôgh is connected with the Sanskr. bhâga felicitas, bhakta devotus, and bhaj colere; perhaps also with the obscure bahts in the Goth. and bahts minister, cultor; conf. p. 20, note on boghât, dives. Of qeoj , deus we shall have to speak in ch. IX.

                4. oudeij agaqos ei mh eis o qeoj, Mark 10, 18, Luke 18, 19, which in Gothic is rendered 'ni hvashun þiuðeigs alja ains Guð,' but in A.S. 'nis nân man gôd buton God âna'. God is the giver of all good, and himself the highest good, summum bonum. Thus Plate names him to agaqon.

                5. In Gothic the rule is to change TH into D before a vowel in inflection, as, faðs. fadis, fada, fað; haubið, -dis, -da, -ð. The peculiarity of guð is that it retains TH throughout the sing. guð, guðs, guða, guð; though in pl. and in derivatives it falls under rule again. TRANS.

                6. Writers of the 16-17th centuries use ölgötze for statue (Stieler says, from an allegorical representation of the apostles asleep on the Mount of Olives, öl = oil). Hans Sachs frequently has 'den ölgötzen tragen' for doing house drudgery, I. 5, 418 528. III. 3, 24 49. IV. 3, 37 99. The OHG. coz, simpuvium Numae (Juvenal 6, 343) which Graff 4, 154 would identify with götze, was a vessel, and belongs to giozan = fundere.

                7. Such a fear may arise from two causes: a holy name must not be abused, or an unholy dreaded name, e.g., that of the devil, has to be softened down by modifying its form; see Chap. XXXIII, how the people call formidable animals by another name, and for Donner prefer to say donnerwetter (Dan. tordenveir for Thursday), donnerwettstein (wetterstein or wetzstein?), donnerkeil, donnerwäsche, dummer. In Fornm. sög. 10, 283 we have Oddiner for Oðinn; perhaps Wuotansheer (Woden's host) was purposely changed into Mutesheer; whether Phol into Fâlant, is worth considering.

                8. Sangbieu (sang de Dieu) [blood of God], corbieu (corps de D.) [body of God]  vertubleu (vertu de D.) [virtue (= power) of God], morbleu (mort de D.) [death of God], parbleu (par. D) [by God], vertuguien, vertugoi (vertu de D.) [virtue of God], morguoi (mort [death] de D.) &c. As early as Renart 18177, por la char bien. So the Engl. cock's bones, od's wounds, 'zounds, &c. Conf. Weber metr. rom. 3, 284.

                9. The omission of and between the two datives is archaic, conf. Zeitschr. f. d. a. 2, 190.

                10. Buge was primi, gralva Venus! Frauend. 192, 20; conf. 177, 14.

                11. hie hært uns anders nieman dan got unde diu waltvogellîn, das mac wol getriuwe sîn; Walth. 40, 15. Birds play the spy on men's privacy.

                12. The Gothic gavairthi = peace.

                13. To the creative God rejoicing in his work, the MHG. poets, especially attribute diligence and zeal: an den henden lac der gotes fliz; Parz. 88, 15. jach, er trüege den gotes flîs; Parz. 140, 5. got het sinen fliz gar ze wunsche wol an si geleit: Wigal. 4130. ich waen got selbe worhte dich mit sîner gotlicher hant; Wigal. 9723. zwáre got der hât geleit sîne kunst und sine kraft, sînen flîz und sîne meisterschaft an disen loblîchen lip; Iw. 1685. So in Chrestien: ja la fist Dex de sa main nue, por nature fere muser, tout le mont i porroit user, s'ele la voloit contrefere, que ja nen porroit a chief trere; no Dex, s'il sen voloit pener, mi porroit, ce cuit, assener, que ja une telle feist, por peine que il i meist (see Suppl.).

                14. Piacula iræ deûm, Liv. 22, 9. deos iratos habeam! dii immortales hominibus irasci et succensere consueverunt, Cic. pro Rosc. 16. And Tacitus on this very subject of the Germans: propitiine an irati dii, Germ. 5. ira dei, Hist. 4, 26. infensi Batavis dii, Hist. 5, 25. And in the Mid. Ages: tu odium Dei omniumque sanctorum habeas! Vita Meinwerci, cap. 13 § 95. crebrescentibus jam jamque cottidie Dei justo judicio in populo diversis calamitatibus et flagellis........quid esset in quo Deus offensus esset, vel quibus placari posset operibus; Pertz 2, 547.

                15. Hartmann on benedictions, Nürnb. 1680, p. 158, 180.

                16. Serious illness or distress is habitually called 'der gotes slac,' stroke.

                17. When lightning strikes, our people say: If God can burn, we can build again; Ettners hebamme, p. 16.

                18. Where God is, there is grace and peace; of a solemn spot it is said: Here dwells der liebe Gott! And, to drive den lieben Gott from a person's room (Lessing 1, 243), means to disturb a solitary in his sanctum.

                19. OHG. rîhhi dives, potens, also beatus; and dives is near akin to Divus, as Dis, Ditis springs out of divit. From the Slav. bôgh is derived boghât (dives), Lith. bagotas; compare ops, in-ops (Russ. u-bôghiy), opulentus with Ops, the Bona Dea. Conf. Diefenb. celt. 1, 196.

                20. Jane pater! Cato 134: but what can Dissunapiter mean in the remarkable conjuring spell, Cato 160?

                21. Ursus divinus, Asbirna (ursa divina), for which the Waltharius has the hybrid Ospirn, prop. Anspirn ; conf.Reinh. fuchs p. ccxcv. For Asketill, Oscytel, see end of ch. III.

                22. Suet. Octavian. cap. 97. futurumque, ut inter deos referretur, quod æsar, id est reliqua pars e Cæsaris nomine, Etrusca lingua deus vocaretur. Hesych. s.v. aisoi. qeoi upo twn Turrhnwn. Conf. Lanzi 2, 483-4; also Dio Cass. 56, 29.

                23. Unfortunately þurs means a giant, and durs a demon, which, if they have anything to do with the turshnoi, would rather imply that there were a hostile and dreaded people. TRANS.

                24. The blithe, happy gods: when people stepped along in stately gorgeous attire, men thought that gods had appeared: menn hugðu at æsir væri þar komnir,' Landn. 3, 10. The Völs. saga c. 26 says of Sigurð: 'þat hygg ec at her fari einn af goðunum,' I think that here rides one of the gods. So in Parz. 36, 18: 'alda wîp und man verjach, si ne gesachen nie helt sô wünneclîch, ir gote im solten sín gelích' (declared, they saw never a hero so winsome, their gods must be like him). The more reason is there for my note on Siegfried (ch. XV), of whom the Nib. 84, 4 says: der dort sô hêrlîchen gât' (see Suppl.).

                25. The Tcheremisses also pray 'juma sirlaga,' and the Tchuvashes 'tora sirlag,' i.e., God have mercy; G. J. Müllers saml. russ. gesch. 2, 359. The Morduins say when it thunders 'pashangui Proguini pas,' have mercy, god Porguini; Georgi description I. 64.

                26. den sig hât got in sîner hant, MS. 2, 16.

                27. Gott. anz. 1833, pp. 471-2. Diez however raises doubles, Roman. gram, 1, 41.




                p. 13-15. ) The word god is peculiar to the Germanic languages. Guitecl. 1, 31: terre ou lon claime Dieu got. On goddess see beginning of Ch. XIII. diu gotheit occurs already in Fundgr. 2, 91. In the Venetian Alps, God is often called der got with the Art., Schmeller's Cimbr. Wtb. 125. Is the Ital. iddio from il dio, which does not account for iddia goddess, or is it abbreviated from domen-ed-dio, which, like Old French domnedeu, damledeu, damredeu, comes from the Lat. voc. domine deus? Conf. Diez, Altrom. Sprachdenkm. p. 62.

                Got is not the same word as guot, though the attempt to identify them is as old as OHG. (yet conf. the Pref. to E. Schulze's Gothic Glossary, xviii.): 'got unde guot plurivoca sint. taz (what) mit kote wirt, taz wirt mit kuote,' Notker's Boeth. 172. Almost as obscure as the radical meaning of god is that of the Slav. bogh, some connecting it with Sanskr. b'agas, sun, Höfer's Zeitschr. 1, 150. In the Old-Persian cuneiform writing 4, 61 occurs bagâha, dei, from the stem baga, Bopp's Comp. Gram. 452; Sanskr. bhagavat is adorandus. Hesychius has bagaioj, Zeuj frugioj (conf. Spiegel's Cuneif. inscr. 210. Windischmann 19. 20. Bopp, Comp. Gr. 452. 581. Miklosich 3). Boh. buze, bozatko, Pol. boze, bozatko, godkin, also genius, child of luck. Boh. buzek, Pol. bozek, idol.

                Beside guda, gods, John 10, 34-5, we have guþa, Gal. 4, 8. The change of þ to d in derivation is supported by afgudei impietas, gudalaus impius, gudisks divinus. Neuter is daz apgot, Mos. 33, 19. abgote sibeniu, Ksrchr. 65. appitgot, Myst. 1, 229. Yet, beside the neut. abcotir, stands appetgöte (rh. kröte), Troj. kr. 27273, and abgote, Maria 149, 42; also masc. in Kristes büchelîn of 1278 (cod. giss. no. 876): 'bette an den appitgot.' abgotgobide in Haupt 5, 458 is for abgotgiuobida. In the Gothic þô galiuga-guda for eidwla, 1 Cor. 10, 19. 20, where the Greek has no article, we may perceive a side-glance at Gothic mythology; conf. Löbe gloss. 76b. The ON. goð is not always idolum merely, but sometimes numen, as goð öll, omnia numina, Sæm. 67b. siti Hâkon með heiðin goð, Hâkonarm. 21. gauð, usually latratus, is a contemptuous term for a numen ethnicorum; conf. geyja, to bark, said of Freyja, p. 7 note.

                Our götze occurs in the Fastn. Sp. 1181. 1332, where the carved 'goezen' of the painter at Würzburg are spoken of. Gods' images are of wood, are split up and burnt, Fornm. sög. 2, 163. v. d. Hagen's Narrenbuch, 314. Platers leben, 37. So Diagoras burns his wooden Hercules (Melander Jocos. 329), and cooks with it; conf. Suppl. to p. 108 n. Agricola no. 186 explains ölgötz as 'a stick, a log, painted, drenched with oil,' Low Germ. oligötze; but it might be an earthen lamp or other vessel with an image of the god, Pröhle xxxvi. In Thuringia ölgötze means a baking.

                p. 15. ) To the distortions of God's name may be added: gots hingender gans! Geo. v. Ehingen, p. 9. potz verden angstiger schwininer wunden! Manuel, Fastn. sp. 81. Er. Alberus uses 'bocks angst,' H. Sachs 'botz angst.' Is potz, botz from bocks (p. 995)? Similar adaptations of Dieu, Raynouard sub v. deus; culbieu, Méon. 4, 462. Ital. sapristi for sacristi.

                p. 15. ) The addition of a Possess. Pron. to the name of God recalls the belief in a guardian spirit of each individual man (p. 875). The expressions not yet obsolete, 'my God! I thank my God, you may thank your God, he praised his God, etc.,' in Gotthelf's Erzähl. 1, 167 are also found much earlier: hevet ghesworen bi sinen Gode, Reinaert 526. ganc dînem Gote bevolen, Mor. 3740. er lobte sînen Got, Greg. 26, 52. durch meinen Gott, Ecke (Hagen) 48. saget iuwem Gote lop, Eilh. 2714. daz in mîn Trehtîn lône, Kolocz. 186. gesegen dich Got mîn Trehtîn, Ls. 3, 10. je le feré en Mondieu croire, *** I will in Mygod believe ***Renart 3553. 28465. Méon 2, 388 [false ref. means ***his devil *** ] son deable, Ren. 278. 390. Conf. Junonem meam iratam habeam,' Hartung, genius.

                The ‘God grant, God knows’ often prefixed to an interrogative, Gram. 3, 74, commits the decision of the doubtful to a higher power; conf. 'wëre Got, Gott behüte,' Gram. 3, 243-4. Got sich des wol versinnen kan, Parz. 369, 3; conf. 'sit cura deum.' daz sol Got niht en-wellen, Er. 6411. daz enwelle Got von himele, Nib. 2275, 1. nu ne welle Got, En. 64, 36.

Other wishes: sô sol daz Got gebieten, Nib. 2136, 4. hilf Got, Parz. 121, 2. nu hilf mir, hilferîcher Got 122, 26; conf. 'ita me deus adjuvet, ita me dii ament, amabunt,' Ter. Heaut. iv. 2, 8. 4, 1. Got hüete dîn, Parz. 124, 17, etc. Got halde iuch 138, 27. Got lôn dir 156, 15. Got troeste iuch des vater mîn 11, 2. Got grüeze iuch, Iw. 5997. The freq. formulas 'God bless thee, greet thee,' addressed espec. to wine. Often in MHG., 'be it God who': Got sî der daz wende; der in ner' (heal); der uns gelücke gebe, Er. 8350. 6900. Hartm. Erst. b. 1068.

 (Many new examples of 'wilkomen Got und mir'ð are here omitted.) sît mir in Gote wilkomen, Pass. 34, 92. im und den göten (gods) willekomen, Troj. kr. 23105. God alone: Got willekume here von Berne, Dietr. Drachenk. 60a. Me and my wife: willekomen mir und ouch der frouwen mîn, MS. 1, 57b. bien venuz mîner frouwen unde mir, Parz. 76, 12.

                The Supreme Being is drawn into other formulas: dankent ir und Gote, Lanz. 4702. des danke ich dir unde Gote, Flore 5915. Got und iu ze minnen (for the love of), Greg. 3819. nû lâz ich alle mîne dinc an Godes genâde unde dîn, Roth. 2252. To intensify an assertion: ich fergihe (avow) Got unde iu, Griesh. pred. 2, 71. nein ich und Got, Ls. 2, 257; like the heathenish 'Oden och jag.' daz er sich noch Got erkennet, Walth. 30, 7. Got und ouch die liute, Greg. 271. Got und reht diu riten dô în ze heile, Trist. (Massm.) 176, 26. 177, 2. We still speak of complaining to God and the world. One could not but love her, 'da half kein gott und kein teufel,' Höfer, Lorelei 234. So, 'to her and love': ich hân gesungen der vil lieben und der Minne, Neifen 13, 37. frou Minne und ir, vil sælic wîp 20, 33. ich wil dir und deinem gaul zusaufen, Garg. 240b.

                p. 17. ) God has human attributes: par les iaus Dieu, *** by God’s eyes? ***  Ren. 505; so, Freyr lîtr eigi vinar augum til þîn, Fornm. s. 2, 74. par les pies quide Diu tenir, *** she has feet similar to God’s ***  Méon Fabl. 1, 351 [ in : li miracle  du Chevalier qui aimoit une Dame]. wan dô Got hiez werden ander wîp, dô geschuof er iuwern lîp selbe mit sîner hant, Flore 2, 259. The Finns speak of God's beard. He wears a helmet, when he is wrapt in clouds? conf. helot-helm, p. 463, Grîmnir pileatus, p. 146, and Mercury's hat; den Gotes helm verbinden, MsH. 3, 354b; conf. the proper name Gotahelm, Zeuss trad. Wizemb. 76, like Siguhelm, Friduhelm. As Plato makes God a shepherd, Wolfram makes him a judge, Parz. 10, 27. God keeps watch, as 'Mars vigilat,' Petron. 77; conf. Mars vigila, Hennil vigila (p. 749). He creates some men himself: Got selbe worht ir süezen lîp, Parz. 130, 23; gets honour by it: ir schöenes lîbes hât Got iemer êre, MS. 1, 143a; shapes beauty by moonlight: Diex qui la fist en plaine lune, Dinaux's Trouveres Artésiens 261; feels pleasure: dar wart ein wuof, daz ez vor Got ze himel was genaeme, Lohengr. 71. in (to them) wurde Got noch (nor) diu werlt iemer holt, Dietr. Drach. 119a. So in O. Norse: Yggr var þeim lîðr, Sæm. 251a; conf. 'unus tibi hic dum propitius sit Jupiter, tu istos minutos deos flocci feceris,' and the cuneif. inscr. 'Auramazdá thuvám dushta biya,' Oromasdes tibi amicus fiat.

                p. 17-8 n. ) God's diligence: examples like those in Text.

                p. 18. ) Many new examples of God's 'anger, hatred, etc.' are here omitted.

 Unser gote sint sô guot, daz si dînen tumben muot niht râchen mit einer donre-strâle, Barl. 207, 13. 'Got haz den lesten!' sprâchen die dâ vluhen hin (God hate the hindmost, cried the fugitives), Ottoc. 76a. sô in Got iemer hazze, MsH. 3, 195b. daz in Got gehoene, dishonour, Lanz. 3862. er bat, daz Got sînen slac über in vil schiere slüege, very soon smite, Turl. krone 92; conf. qeoblabhj, Herod. 1, 127. Got velle si beide, make them fall, Iw. 6752. ich wil daz mich Got velle und mir schende den lîp, Flore 1314. Got si schende, MsH. 3, 187a. fort mit dir zu Gottes boden, Weise comöd. 39. Got rech' ez über sîn kragen, Ottoc. 352a. so muoze mig Got wuorgen, Karlm. 368. nû brennet mich der Gotes zan (tooth) in dem fiur, Tôdes gehugde 679. sô entwîche mir Got, Flore 5277. Got ist an mir verzaget, Parz. 10,30. ist Got an sîner helfe blint, oder ist er dran betoubet (deaved, daft), 10, 20. die göte gar entsliefen, Albr. Tit. 2924.

                p. 20. ) The irrisio deorum, ON. goð-gâ (Pref. liii. and p. 7n.) reaches the height of insult in Laxdæla-s. 180. Kristni-s. cap. 9; OHG. kot-scelta blasphemia, MHG. gotes schelter. Conf. the abusive language of Kamchadales to their highest god Kutka, Klemm 2, 318. nû schilte ich mîniu abgot, scold my false gods, Lament 481. sînen zorn huob er hin ze Gote: 'rîcher Got unguoter!' Greg. 2436-42. sô wil ich iemer wesen gram den goten, En. 7985. The saints scold (as well as coax) God, Keisersb. omeis 12d. wâfen schrîen über (cried shame upon) Gotes gewalt, Wigal. 11558. Got, dâ bistu eine schuldec an (alone to blame), Iw. 1384. Charles threatens him: Karles tença a Dieu, si confust son voisin, 'jamais en France n'orra messe à matin,' Aspr. 35a. hé, saint Denis de France, tu somoilles et dorz, quant fauz tes homes liges tiens en est li gran torz, Guitecl. 2, 156. nemt iuwer gote an ein seil und trenket si, drench them, Wh. 1, 83a. tröwet (believes) als dann S. Urban auch, wenn er niht schafft gut wein, werd' man ihn nach den alten brauch werffen in bach hinein, Garg. pref. 10. In the Ksrchr. 14737 Charles threatens St. Peter: und ne mache dû den blinden hiute niht gesunden, dîn hûs ich dir zestôre, dînen widemen ich dir zevuore. God is defied or cheated: biss Gott selbst kompt (to punish us), haben wir vogel und nest weggeraumbt, Garg. 202a.

p. 20-1. ) More epithets of God. He is hardly ever addressed as dear; but we find: an sînen lieben abgoten, Pass. 306, 20. ir lieben gote 38, 41. der zarte Got, Ls. 2, 285-6. Griesh. 22 (5. 9. 17 of Christ). der süeze Got von himel, Griesh., etc. in svasugoð, Sæm. 33a. tugenhafter Got, Wh. 49, 16. Got der gewâre, Fundgr. ii. 90, 41. hêre is said of heathen gods, angels, emperors: ein Venus hêre, MS. 1, 55a. hâlig dryhten, Beow. 1366.

God sees, tends, blesses, loves, rewards, honours, pities, forgets: Got der müeze dîn pflegen, Herb. 6160. Got gesegene uns immer mêre 7732. Got segen iuch, Got lône dir 8092. Got minne dich, Eracl. 644. Got müeze mich êren, MsH. 1, 59b. daz mohte Got erbarmen, Wigal. 5342. als im Got ergaz, forgot, Herb. 15669. sô mîn Got ergaz, Troj. kr. 14072. des (him) hât Got vergezzen, der tivel hât in besezzen, Warnung 343. Our God-forgotten, God-forsaken.

The poor are Godes volk, Diut. 1, 438; sîne aerme, Maerl. 2, 230; daz Gotes her (host), Gute frau 1492; hence proper names like Godesman, Trad. Corb. 291, Godasmannus, Pol. Irmin. 93b, Kotesman, Trad. Juvav. 131.

The Gen. Gotes intensifies the adjs. poor, wretched, ignorant, pure: owê mich Gotes armen, Nib. 2090. ich vil Gotes armiu, Gudr. 1209, 1. ich Gotes arme maget, Dietr. Drach. die Gotes ellenden, Ernst 3176. der Gotes tumbe, Helmbr. 85. der Gotes reine, Marienleg. 189, 428.

                p. 22. ) Earthly titles given to God: der edel keiser himelbaere, Tit. 3382. That of the king of birds: Gott der hohe edle adler von himmel, Berthold 331. The M. Lat. domnus is not used of God, who is always Dominus, but of popes, kings, etc., Ducange sub v. Old French dame dieu, dame dê, Roquef. sub v.; Prov. dami drieu, damri deu, domini dieus, Raynouard 3, 68; on dame conf. op. 299 n. Wallach. dumnedeu for God, domn for sir, lord. Slav knez, kniaz, prince, is applied to God in Wiggert's psalms, conf. kneze granitsa in Lisch urk. 1, 9. So anax, anassa are used of kings and gods, espec. anakej of the Dioscuri, and the Voc. ana of gods only.

                p. 22. ) God is called Father in that beautiful passage: þonne forstes bend Fæder onlaeteð, Beow. 3218. Brahma is called avus paternus, Bopp's gloss. 217a, and Pitamaha, great father, Holtzm. 3, 141. 153; conf. Donar as father, p. 167. In the Märchen, God becomes godfather to particular children: in KM. no. 126 he appears as a beggar, and gives his godson a horse, in the Wallach. märchen 14 a cow. The fays, as godmothers, give gifts. The grandmother travels all over the earth, Klemm 2, 160; conf. anel, baba (p. 641), zloto-baba, gold-grandmother; mother (p. 254).

                p. 22. ) The Saxon metod, ON. miötudr may be conn. with Sanskr. mâtar, meter and creator, Bopp's Comp. Gr. 1134, and mátâ, mother, creatress; conf. tamiaj Zeuj.

                p. 23. ) In Homer too, God is he that pours: Zeus creates, begets mankind, Od. 20, 202. But Zeus ceei udwr, Il. 16, 385. ciona, Il. 12, 281. Poseidon ceen aclun, Il. 20, 321. Athena hera ceue, Od. 7, 15. upnon 2, 395. kalloj, 23, 156. carin 2, 12, etc. Conf. p. 330, and 'Athena hke komaj,' let her hair stream, Od. 23, 156. God is he, 'der alle bilde giuzet,' Diut. 2, 241; der schepfet alle zît niuwe sêl (souls), di' er giuzet unde gît in menschen, Freid. 16, 25. the angel 'giuzet dem menschen die sêle în,' Berth. 209. God is 'der Smit von Oberlande, der elliu bilde wol würken kan,' MsH. 2, 247a. He fits together: das füege Got, Rab. 554. Got füege mir'z ze guote, Frauend. 422, 22. dô bat si Got vil dicke füegen ir den rât, Nib. 1187, 1, like our eingeben, suggest. sigehafte hende (victorious hands) füege in Got der guote, Dietr. 8082. dô fuogt in (to them) Got einen wint, Rab. 619; conf. Gevuoge, p. 311 n. The Minne also fits, and Sælde (fortune): dir füeget sælde daz beste, Tit. 3375; our 'fügung Gottes,' providence. God destines, verhenget, MS. 1, 74a (the bridle to the horse); OHG. firhengan (even hengan alone), concedere, consentire. He carries, guides: Got truoc uns zu dir in das lant (so: the devil brings you), Dietr. and Ges. 656. mich hât selber gewîset her Got von himel, Keller's Erzähl. 648, 11. We say 'go with God,' safely, sun qew baineij, Babr. 92, 6.

                p. 23. ) Though Berthold laughs at the notion of God sitting in the sky, and his legs reaching down to the earth, as a Jewish one, there are plenty of similar sensuous representations to be gleaned out of early poems, both Romance and German: 'Deo chi maent sus en ciel,' Eulalia; etc. alwaltintir Got, der mir zi lebine gibôt, Diemer 122, 24. wanti Got al mag und al guot wil 99, 18. God is eternal: qui fu et iest et iert, Ogier 4102.

                P. 24. ) To explain the Ases we must compare ahura-mazdas (p. 984 n.) and Sanskr. asura spiritual, living. Svâ lâti âss þik heilan î haugi, Fornald. sög. 1, 437. Rîn âs-kunn, Sæm. 248a. nornir âskungar 188a. A friðla is called âsa blôð, Fornm. sög. 9, 322, fair as if sprung from Ases? þâ vex mer âsmegin, iafnhâtt up sem himinn, Sn. 114. âsmegir, Sæm. 94b. âsmôðr opp. to jötunmôðr, Sn. 109. âsa bragr stands for Thôr, Sæm. 85b. Sometimes âs seems to mean genius, fairy: in Nials-s. p. 190 a Svinfells-âs or Snæfells-âs changes a man that lives with him into a woman every ninth night; the man is called 'brûðr Svinfells-âs, amica genii Svinfelliani. Here also mark the connexion of âs with a mountain (fell for fiall?). The Saxon form of the word is also seen in the names of places, Osene-dred, Kemble no. 1010 (5, 51), and Osna-brugga (conf. As-brû, rainbow, p. 732). Note the OHG. Kêr-ans, spear-god, Folch-ans, Haupt's Zeitschr. 7, 529. That Ansivarii can be interpreted 'a diis oriundi' is very doubtful. Haupt's Ztschr. 5, 409 has 'des bomes as,' prob. for 'ast' bough, which may indeed be conn. with 'âs' beam, for it also means gable, rooftree, firmament, erma, fulcrum. Varro says the Lat. ara was once asa, ansa, sacred god's-seat, v. Forcellini. Pott 1, 244, Gr. D. Sag. p. 114. The Gr. aisa (p. 414) seems unconnected. Bopp 43d connects îsvara dominus with an Irish aesfhear aesar, deus, from Pictet p. 20; but this contains fear, vir.

                p. 26. ) 'Hos consentes et complices Etrusci aiunt et nominant, quod una oriantur et occidant una' says Arnobius adv. gentes lib. 3; does he mean constellations? conf. Gerhard's Etr. gotth. p. 22-3. Does âttûnga brautir, Sæm. 80b, mean the same as âsa, cognatorum?

                p. 26. ) As consulting ragin appear the gods in Sanskr. râganas and Etrusc. rasena. The Homeric Zeus too is counsellor, mhstwr, mhtieta. 'consilio deorum immortalium, consuesse does immort.' says Cæsar B. Gall. 1, 12. 14. The pl. regin occurs further in Sæm. 32b. 34a nyt regin. 36a vîs regin. Hâkonar-m. 18 râð öll ok regin. Sæm. 248b dôlg-rögnir. Also rögn: höpt, bönd, rögn, Sn. 176. 'wer gesaz bî Gote an dem râte dâ diu guote mir wart widerteilet?' allotted, Ms. 2, 180a. Just as impersonal as the Gen. pl. in OS. regano-giscapu sounds another in Haupt's Ztschr. 2, 208, where Mary is styled 'kuneginne aller magene,' virtutum.

                p. 26n. ) The appearing of gods is discussed at p. 336. Saxo, ed. Müller 118, speaks of sacra deûm agmina. The gods live happy: deorum vitam apti sumus, Ter. Heaut. iv. 1, 15. deus sum, sic hoc ita est, Hecyra v. 4, 3. The beautiful and blithe are comp. to them; þyckir oss Oðinn vera, Hâk.-m. 15; conf. Asa-blôð above. gê her für als ein götinne, Renn. 12277. ên wîf ghelîc ere godinnen, Maerl. 2, 233. alse ochter God selve comen soude, Lanc. 31321. Conf. the beauty of elves and angels, p. 449. The I. of Cos seemed to produce gods, the people were so handsome, Athen. 1, 56. Paul and Barnabas taken for Mercury and Jupiter, Acts 14, 12.

                p. 27. ) On sihora armen conf. Massm. in Haupt's Ztschr. 1, 386 and Holtzm. in Germania 2, 448, who gives variants; sihora may have been equiv. to frauja. Sigora-freá in Cod. Exon. 166, 35. 264, 8 is liter. triumphorum dominus. A warlike way of addressing God in Nib. Lament 1672 is, himelischer degen!

                p. 28. ) At the end of this Chap. it ought to be observed, that some deities are limited to particular lands and places, while others, like Zeuj panellhnioj, are common to whole races. Also that the Greeks and Romans (not Teutons) often speak indefinitely of 'some god': kai tij qeoj hgemoneuen, Od. 9, 142. 10, 141. tij me qewn olofurato 10, 157. aqanatwn oj tij 15, 35. tij qeoj essi 16, 183. tij sqin tod eeipe qewn 16, 356. h mala tij qeoj endon 19, 40. kai tij qeoj auton eneikoi 21, 196. 24, 182. 373. Solemnis formula, qua dii tutelares urbium evocabantur e civitatibus oppugnatione cinctis ambiguo nomine si deus, si dea, ne videlicet alium pro alio nominando aut sexum confundendo falsa religione populum alligarent, conf. Macrob. Sat. 3, 9. Nam consuestis in precibus 'sive tu deus es sive dea' dicere, Arnob. 3, 8. Hac formula utebantur Romani in precibus, quando sive terra movisset, sive aliud quid accidissent, de quo ambigebatur qua causa cujusque dei vi ac numine effectum sit, conf. Gellius 2, 20 ibique Gronovius.







The simplest actions by which man expressed his reverence (1) for the gods (see Suppl.), and kept up a permanent connexion with them, were Prayer and Sacrifice. Sacrifice is a prayer offered up with gifts. And wherever there was occasion for prayer, there was also for sacrifice (see Suppl.).





When we consider the word employed by Ulphilas to express adoration, we at once come upon a correspondence with the Norse phraseology again. For proskunew the Goth. equivalent is inveita, inváit, invitum, Matt. 8, 2. 9, 18. Mk. 5, 6. 15, 19. Lu. 4, 7-8. John 9, 38. 12, 20. 1 Cor. 14, 25; and once for aspazomai, Mk. 9, 15 (see Suppl.). Whether in using this word the exact sense of proskunhsij was caught, may be doubted, if only because it is invariably followed by an acc., instead of the Greek dat. In Mod. Greek popular songs, proskuneiu is used of a vanquished enemy's act of falling to the ground in token of surrender. We do not know by what gesture inveitan was accompanied, whether a bowing of the head, a motion of the hand, or a bending of the knee. As we read, 1 Cor. 14, 25: driusands ana andavleizn (=antlitz), inveitið guð; a suppliant prostration like proskunhsij is not at variance with the sense of the word. An OS. giwîtan, AS. gewîtan, means abire; could inveitan also have signified merely going up to, approaching? Paul. Diac. 1, 8 twice uses accedere. Fraveitan is vindicare. Now let us compare the ON. vîta inclinare,  (2) which Biörn quotes under veit, and spells, erroneously, I think, vita. From it is derived veita (Goth. váitjan ?); veita heiðr, honorem peragere; veita tiðir, sacra peragere; veitsla, epulum, Goth. váitislô?  (3) The Goth. bida preces, bidjan precari, rogare, orare, are used both in a secular and a spiritual sense. The same with OHG. pëta is derived a pëtôn adorare, construed with acc. of the person whom: O.i. 17, 62. ii. 14, 63. nidarfallan joh mih bëtôn, O. ii, 4, 86-9. 97. iii. 11, 25. T. 46, 2. 60, 1. pëtôta inan, Diut. 1, 512. But bëtôn can also express a spiritual orare, T. 34, 1, 2, 3. bëto-man cultores, O. II. 14, 68. In MHG. I find bëten always followed by the prep. an (see Suppl.): bëten an diu abgot, Barl. 72, 4. an ein bilde bëten, ibid. 98, 15. sô muoz si iemer mê nâch gote sîn mîn anebët, she must after God be my (object of) adoration, Ben. 146. Our bitten ask, beten pray, anbeten adore, are distinct from one another, as bitte request is from gebet prayer. The OS bëdôn is not followed by acc., but by prep. te: bëdôn to minun barma, Hel. 33, 7. 8; and this of itself would suggest what I conjectured in my Gramm. 2, 25, that bidjan originally contained the physical notion of jacere, prosterni, which again is the only explanation of Goth. badi klinidion a bed, and also of the old badu, AS beado = cædes, strages. (4)

The AS New Test. translates adorare by ge-eáð-mêdan, i.e., to humble oneself. The MHG flêhen, when it signifies supplicare, governs the dat.: gote flêhen, Aegid. 30. den goten vlêhen, Parz. 21, 6. Wh. 126, 30. Türl. Wh. 71; but in the sense of demulcere, solari, the acc., Parz. 119, 23. 421, 25. Nib. 499, 8 (see Suppl.). (5) It is the Goth þláihan, fovere, consolari. An OHG. flêhôn vovere I only know from N. cap. 8, Bth. 178, and he spells it fléhôn: ten (acc. quem) wir flehoton. We say 'zu gott flehen,' but 'gott anflehen'.

The Goth. aíhtrôn prosenesqai, prosaitein expresses begging rather than asking or praying. The OHG. diccan, OS., thiggian, is both precari and impetrare, while AS. þicgan, ON., þiggja, is invariably impetrare, accipere, so that asking has passed over into effectual asking, getting (see Suppl.)

Another expression for prayer is peculiar to the Norse and AS. dialects, and foreign to all the rest: ON. bôn or bæn, Swed. Dan. bön, AS bên, gen. bêne f., Cædm. 152, 26, in Chaucer bone, Engl. boon; from it, bêna supplex, bênsian supplicare. Lastly the Icel. Swed. dyrka, Dan. dyrke, which like the Lat. colere is used alike of worship and of tillage, seems to be a recent upstart, unknown to the ON. language.

On the form and manner of heathen prayer we lack information; I merely conjecture that it was accompanied by a looking up to heaven, bending of the body (of which bidjan gave a hint), folding of hands, bowing of knees, uncovering of the head. These gestures grow out of a crude childlike notion of antiquity, that the human supplicant presents and submits himself to the mighty god, his conqueror, as a defenceless victim (see Suppl.). Precari deos cælumque suspicere is attested by Tacitus himself, Germ. 10. Genuflectere is in Gothic knussjan, the supplicare of the Roman was flexo corpore adorare. Falling down and bowing were customs of the christians too; thus in Hel. 47, 6. 48, 16. 144, 24 we have: te bedu hnîgan. 58, 12: te drohtine hnígan. 176, 8: te bedu fallan. 145, 3: gihnêg an kniobeda. In the Sôlarlioð is the remarkable expression: henni ec laut, to her (the sun) I bowed, Sæm. 126; from lûta inclinare. falla â knê ok lûta, Vilk. saga cap. 6. nu strauk kongsdôttir sinn legg, ok mælti, ok sêr i loptið upp, (stroked her leg, and spoke, and looks up to the sky), Vilk. saga cap 61. So the saga of St. Olaf tells how the men bowed before the statue of Thor, lutu þvî skrimsli, Fornm. sög. 4, 247. fell til iardar fyrir lîkneski (fell to earth before the likeness). Fornm. sög. 2, 108. The Langobards are stated in the Dial. Gregorii M. 3, 28 to have adored submissis cervicibus a divinely honoured goat's head. In the Middle Ages people continued to bow to lifeless objects, by way of blessing them, such as a loved country, the road they had traversed, or the day (6). Latin writers of the time, as Lambert, express urgent entreaty by pedibus provolvi: the attitude was used not only to God, but to all whom one wished to honour: neig im ûf den fuoz Morolt 41. hie viel sie ûf sinen vuoz, Iw. 8130. ouch nîge ich ir unz ûf den fuoz, MS. 1, 155. valle für si (fall before her), und nîge ûf ir fuoz, MS. 1, 54. buten sich (bowed) weinende ûf sînen vuoz, Greg. 355. neig im nider ûf die hant, Dietr. 55. These passages show that people fell before the feet, and at the feet, of him who was to be reverenced: wilt fallan te mínun fôtun, bedôs te mînun barma, Hel. 33, 7. sich bôt ze tal (bowed to the ground) gein sînen füezen nieder, Wh. 463, 2. (7) An O. Boh. song has: 'sie klanieti bohu,' to bow before God, Königinh. hs. 72; but the same has also the un-Teutonic 'se biti w celo prede bohy,' to beat one's brow before God. (8) Uncovering the head (see Suppl.) certainly was from of old a token of respect with our ancestors, which, like bowing, was shown to deity as well as to kings and chiefs. perhaps the priests, at least those of the Goths, formed an exception to this, as their name pileati is thus accounted for by Jornandes, quia opertis capitibus tiaris litabant, while the rest of the people stood uncovered. In a survival of heathenish harvest-customs we shall find this uncovering further established, ch. VII. In Nicolai Magni de Göw registrum superstitionum (of 1415) it is said: Insuper hodie inveniuntur homines, qui cum novilunium primo viderint flexis genibus adorant vel deposito caputio vel pileo, inclinato capite honorant alloquendo et suscipiendo.

(9)   An AS. legend of Cuðberht relates how that saint was wont to go down to the sea at night, and standing up to his neck in the briny breakers, to sing his prayers, and afterwards to kneel down on the shingles, with palms stretched out to the firmament. (10) Lifting up and folding of the hands (see Suppl.) was also practised to a master, particularly to a feudal lord. In Ls. 3, 78 we have 'bat mit zertânen armen,' prayed with outspread arms. The Old Bavarian stapfsakên (denial of indebtedness) was accompanied by elevation of the hands, RA. 927 (see Suppl.). It is not impossible that the christian converts retained some heathen customs in praying. In a manuscript, probably of the 12th century, the prayers are to be accompanied by some curious actions: sô miz (measure) den ubir dín herza in modum crucis, unde von dem brustleffile zuo demo nabile, unde miz denne von eime rippe unz an daz andire, unde sprich alsus. Again: sô miz denne die rehtun hant von deme lengistin vingire unz an daz resti (wrist), unde miz denne von deme dûmin zuo deme minnisten vingire. One prayer was called 'der vane (flag) des almehtigin gotis'; nine women are to read it nine Sundays, 'sô ez morginet'; the ninth has to read the psalm Domini est terra, in such a posture 'daz ir líb niet ruore die erde, wan die ellebogin unde diu chnie,' that her body touch not the ground, except at the elbows and knees; the others are all to stand till the lighted candle has burnt out; Diut. 2, 292-3.

We cannot now attach any definite meaning to the Gothic aviliudôn eucaristein; it is formed from aviliud carij, which resembles an O. Sax. alat, olat gratiae; does it contain liuð cantus, and was there moreover something heathenish about it? (See Suppl.). The old forms of prayer deserve more careful collecting; the Norse, which invoke the help of the gods, mostly contain the verb duga with the sense propitium esse: bið ec Ottari öll goð duga (I Ot. pray all, &c.), Sæm. 120. biðja þâ dîsir duga, Sæm. 195. Duga means to help, conf. Gramm. 4, 687. There is beauty in the ON. prayer: biðjom herjaföðr î hugom sitja (rogemus deum in animis sedere nostris), Sæm. 113, just as Christians pray the Holy Ghost to descend: in herzen unsén sâzi, O. iv. 5, 30 (see Suppl.).

Christians at prayer or confession looked toward the East, and lifted up their arms (Bingham lib. xi. cap. 7, ed. hal. 3, 273); and so we read in the Kristinbalkr of the old Gulathing law: 'ver skulum lúta austr, oc biðja til ens helga Krists ârs ok friðar,' we must bow east, and pray the holy Christ for plenty and peace (conf. Svntagma de baptismo p. 65); in the Waltharius 1159: contra orientalem prostratus corpore partem precatur; in AS. formulas: eástweard ic stande; and in Troj. 9298. 9642: kêret iuch gên ôrient. The heathens, on the contrary, in praying and sacrificing, looked Northwards: horfa (turn) î norðr, Fornm. sög. 11, 134. leit (looked) î norðr, Sæm. 94. beten gegen mitternacht, Keisersperg omeiss 49. And the North was looked upon by the christians as the unblessed heathen quarter, on which I have given details in RA. 808; it was unlucky to make a throw toward the north, RA. 57; in the Lombard boundary treaties the northern tract is styled 'nulla ora,' RA. 544. These opposite views must serve to explain a passage in the Roman de Renart, where the fox prays christianity, and the wolf heathenly, Reinh. fuchs p. xli. (11).

As the expressions for asking and for obtaining, pp. 30, 31, are identical, a prayer was thought to be the more effectual, the more people it was uttered by:

got enwolde so manegem munde

sîn genâde niht versagen. Wigal. 4458.

die juncvrouwen bâten alle got,

nu ist er sô gnædec unt sô guot

unt sô reine gemuot,

daz er niemer kunde

sô manegem süezen munde

betelichiu dinc versagen. Iw. 5351.

in (to the nuns) wâren de mûnde sô royt,

so wes si god bâden,

of syt mit vlîze dâden,

he id in nummer inkûnde

dem rôsenrôten mûnde

bedelicher dinge versagen.

Ged. von der vrouwen sperwere, Cod. berol. 184, 54. Hence: helfen singen, MS. 1, 57. 2, 42. Conf. cento novelle 61. (12)





The word opfer, a sacrifice, was introduced into German by christianity, being derived from the Lat. offero, offerre. (13) The AS. very properly has only the verb offrian and its derivative offrung (oblatio). In OHG., from opfarðn, opforðn there proceeded also a subst. opfar, MHG. ophern and opher; (14) and from Germany the expression seems to have spread to neighbouring nations, ON. offr, Swed. Dan. offer, Lith. appiera, Lett. uppuris, Esth. ohwer, Fin. uhri, Boh. ofera, Pol. ofiara, Sloven. ofer. Everywhere the original heathen terms disappeared (see Suppl.).

The oldest term, and one universally spread, for the notion 'to worship (God) by sacrifice,' was blôtan (we do not know if the Goth. pret. was báiblôt or blôtáida); I incline to attach to it the full sense of the Gk. quein (15) (see Suppl.). Ulphilas saw as yet no objection to translating by it sebesqai and latreuein, Mk 7, 7. Lu. 2, 37; he construes it with an acc. of the person: blôtan fráujan is to him simply Deum colere, with apparently no thought of a bloody sacrifice. For latreia Rom. 12, 1, he puts blótinassus, and for qeosebhj John 9, 31 guðblôstreis. The latter presupposes a subst. blôstr (cultus, oblatio), of which the S is explained in Gramm. 2, 208. Usblôteins (paraklhsij) 2 Cor. 8, 4 implies a verb usblôtjan to implore. Cædmon uses the AS. blôtan pret. blêot, onblôtan pret. onbléot, of the Jewish sacrifice, and follows them up with acc. of thing and dat. of person: blôtan sunu (filium sacrificare) 173, 5. onblêot þæt lâc Gode (obtulit hostiam Deo) 177, 21. In Ælfred's Orosius we have the same blôtan pret. blôtte. I derive from it blêtsian, later blessian, to bless. The OHG. pluozan, pret. pliez and pluozta, appears only in glosses, and renders libare, litare, victimare, immolare, Gl. Hrab. 959 960 966 968. Diut. 1, 245, 258. No case-construction is found, but an acc. of the thing may be inferred from partic. kaplôzaniu immolata. A subst. pluostar sacrificium, bluostar, Is. 382. Gl. emm. 411. Gl. jun. 209. T. 56, 4. 95, 102 (16); pluostarhûs idolium, Gl. emm. 402. ploazhûs fanum, pluostrari sacrificator, ibid. 405. It is plain that here the word has more of a heathen look, and was not at that time used of christian worship; with the thing, the words for it soon die out. But its universal use in Norse heathendom leaves no doubt remaining, that it was equally in vogue among Goths, Alamanni, Saxons, before their conversion to christianity. The ON. verb blôta, pret. blêt and blôtaði, takes, like the Gothic, an acc. of the object worshipped; thus, Grâgâs 2, 170, in the formula of the trygdamâl: svâ viða sem (as widely as) kristnir menn kirkior sækia, heiðnir menn hof blôta (fana colunt); and in the Edda: Thôr blôta, blôtaði Oðin. Sæm. 111, 113, 141, 165 (17); always the meaning is sacrificio venerari. So that in Goth. and ON. the verb brings out more the idea of the person, in OHG. and AS. more that of the thing. But even the O. Dan. version of the OT. uses blothe immolare, blodhmadh libarmina, blotesä holocaustum, Molbech's ed. pp. 171. 182. 215. 249. Also the O. Swed. Uplandslag, at the very beginning of the churchbalkr has: ængin skal affguðum blotæ, with dat. of person, implying an acc. of the thing

The true derivation of the word I do not know. (18) At all events it is not to be looked for in blôð sanguis, as the disagreeing consonants of the two Gothic words plainly show; equally divergent are the OHG. pluozan and pluot from one another; besides, the worship so designated was not necessarily bloody. A remarkable passage in the Livonian rhyming chronicle 4683 tells of the Sameits (Schamaits, Samogits):

ir bluotekirl der warf zuo hant

sin lôz nâch ir alden site,

zuo hant er bluotete alles mite

ein quek.

Here, no doubt, an animal is sacrificed. I fancy the poet retained a term which had penetrated from Scandinavia to Lithuania without understanding it himself; for bluotkirl is merely the O. Swed. blôtkarl, heathen priest; the term is foreign to the Lithuanian language. (19)

A few more of these general terms for sacrifice must be added (see Suppl.).

OHG. antheiz (hostia, victima), Diut. 1, 240. 246, 258. 278; and as verbs, both antheizôn and inheizan (immolare), Diut. 1, 246. 258.

OHG. insakên (litare), Gl. Hrab. 968, insakêt pim (delibor), ibid. 959 960, to which add the Bavarian stapfsakên, RA. 927; just so the AS. onsecgan, Cod. exon. 171, 32. 257, 23. onsecgan tô tibre (devote as sacrifice), Cædm. 172, 30. tiber onsægde, 90, 29. 108, 17. tifer onsecge, Ps. 65, 12. lâc onsecge Cod. exon 254, 19. 257, 29; lâc onsægde, Cædm. 107, 21. 113, 15. Cod. exon. 168, 28. gild onsægde, Cædm. 172, 11. and onsægdnes (oblatio).

As inheizan and onsecgan are formed with the prefix and-, so is apparently the OHG. ineihan pim (delibor), Hrab. 960, which would yield a Goth. andáikan; it is from this OHG. ineihhan, which I think Graff 1, 128 has misread ireihan, that a later neihhan immolare, libare Graff (2, 1015) seems to have risen by aphæresis (Gramm. 2, 810), as nëben from inëben; conf. eichôn (dicare, vindicare), Graff 1, 127. To this place also belongs the OHG. pifëlahan (libare, immolare), Diut. 1, 245. 248.

All this strictly denotes only the 'on-saying,' dedication, consecration of the offering; and it follows from the terminology at least that particular objects were selected beforehand for sacrifice. (20) Thus antheiz is elsewhere simply a vow, votum, solem promise, intheizan vovere; hence also the AS. onsecgan has determinative substantives added to it.

In the same sense biudan (offerre) seems to have been in use very early, AS. lâc bebeodan, Cædm. 173, 9. ON. bodn (oblatio). From this biudan I derive biuds (mensa), ON. bioðr (discus), AS. beod (mensa, lanx), OHG. piot, from its having originally signified the holy table of offerings, the altar.

The Goth. fullafahjan (with dat. of pers.) prop. to please, give satisfaction, is used for latreuein, Lu. 4, 8 (see Suppl.).

In Mk. 1, 44. Lu. 5, 14 atbairan adferre, prosferein, is used of sacrifice; and in AS. the subst. bring by itself means oblatio; so Wolfram in Parz. 45, 1 says: si brâhten opfer vil ir goten, and Fundgr. II. 25: ein lam zopphere brâhte.

It is remarkable that the Goth. saljan, which elsewhere is intransitive and means divertere, manere [put up, lodge, John 1, 39. 40] is in Lu. 1, 9. Mk. 14, 12. 1 Cor. 10, 20. 28 used transitively for qumian and quein, and hunsla saljan, John 16, 2 stands for latreian prosferin, which brings it up to the meaning of OHG. and AS. sellan, ON. selja, tradere, to hand over, possibly because the solemn presentation included a personal approach. The OHG. pigangan (obire) is occasionally applied to worship: piganc (ritus), Diut. 1, 272. afgoda begangan, Lacomblet 1, 11.

Gildan, këltan, among its many meanings, has also to do with worship and sacrifice; it was from the old sacrificial banquets that our guilds took their name. OS. waldandes (God's) gëld, Hel. 3, 11. 6, 1. that gëld lêstian, Hel. 16, 5. AS. brynegield, holocaustum, Cædm. 175, 6, 177, 18. gild onsecgan, 172, 11. Abel's offering is a gield, 60, 5. deofolgield, idololatria, Beda 3, 30. Cod. exon. 245, 29. 251, 24. hæðengield, Cod. exon. 243, 23. OHG. heidankëlt sacrilegium: gote ir gelt bringent, Warn. 2906. offeruncghëlstar, sacrificium, Is. 395. dhiu blôstar iro ghëlstro, Is. 382.

Peculiar to the AS. dialect is the general term lác, neut., often rendered more definite by verbs containing the notion of sacrifice: onbléot þæt lác gode, Cædm. 177, 26. dryhtne lác brohton, 60, 2. lác bebeodan, 173, 9. lác onsægde, 107, 21. 113, 15. ongan lác, 90, 19 (see Suppl.). The word seems to be of the same root as the Goth. masc. láiks (saltatio), OHG, leih (ludus, modus), ON. leikr, and to have signified at first the dance and play that accompanied a sacrifice, then gradually the gift itself. (21) That there was playing and singing at sacrifices is shown by the passage quoted further on, from Gregory's dialogues and Adam of Bremen.

The following expressions I regard as more definite (see Supple.). Ulph. in Rom. 11, 16 renders aparch, the offering of firstfruits at a sacrifice, delibatio, by ufarskafts, which I derive not from skapan, but from skaban (shave) radere, since aparcai were the first clippings of hair off the victim's forehead, Odyss. 14, 422. 3, 446. If we explain it from skapan, this word must have passed from its meaning of creare into that of facere, immolare.

The Goth. vitôd is lex, the OHG. wizôt (Graff 1, 1112. Fundrg. 1, 398) both lex and eucharistia, the Fris. vitat invariably the latter alone; just as zakón in Serv. has both meanings [but in Russ. only that of lex].

Ulph. translates qusia by Goth. hunsl, Matt 9, 13. Mk. 9, 49. Lu. 2, 24; then again latreian prosferein in John 16, 2 by hunsla saljan, where the reference is expressly to killing. And qusiasthrion is called hunslastaðs, Matt. 5, 23-4. Lu. 1, 11. But the corresponding AS hûsel, Engl. housel, allows of being applied to a Christian sacrament, and denotes the eucharist, hûselgong the partaking of it, hûselfæt the sacred vessel of sacrifice; conf. Cædm. 260, 5 hûselfatu hâlegu for the sacred vessels of Jerusalem. Likewise the ON. hûsl in the Norw. and Swed. laws is used in a christian, never in a heathen sense. No hunsal is found in OHG.; neither can I guess the root of the word.

Twice, however, Ulph. renders qusia by sáuðs, pl. sáudeis, Mk. 12, 33. Rom. 12, 1. I suppose he thought of the sacrifice as that of an animal slaughtered and boiled; the root seems to be siuðan to seethe, and the ON. has sauðr a ram, probably because its flesh is boiled. (22) In Eph. 5, 2 we have 'hunsl jah sáuð' side by side, for prosforan kai qusian, and in Skeir. 37, 8 gasaljands sik hunsl jah sáuð.

The OHG. zëpar is also a sacrifice in the sense of hostia, victima, Hymn. 10, 2. 12, 2. 21, 5. Gl. Hrab. 965 Diut. 240 272 (see Suppl.). We could match it with a Goth. tibr, if we might venture on such an emendation of the unique áibr dwron, Matt. 5, 23 (conf. Gramm. 1, 63). My conjecture that our German ungeziefer (vermin), formerly ungeziber, (23) and the Old French atoivre also belong to this root, has good reasons in its favour. To this day in Franconia and Thuringia, ziefer, geziefer (insects) not only designate poultry, but sometimes include even goats and swine (Reinwald henneb. id. 1, 49. 2, 52, conf. Schm. 4, 228). What seems to make against my view is, that the A.S. tiber cannot even be restricted to animals at all, Cædm. 90, 29. 108, 5. 172, 31. 175, 3. 204, 6. 301, 1. sigetiber, 203, 12. sigortifer, Cod. exon. 257, 30; on the contrary, in 60, 9 it is Cain's offering of grain that is called tiber, in distinction from Abel's gield; and in Ælfr. gl. 62 we find wîntifer, libatio. But this might be a later confusion; or our ungeziefer may have extended to weeds, and consequently zëpar itself would include anything fit for sacrifice in plants and trees. (24) Meanwhile there is also to be considered the ON. tafn, victima and esca ferarum.

Lastly, I will mention a term peculiar to the ON. language, and certainly heathen: fôrn, fem. victima, hostia, fôrna, immolare, or instead of it fôrnfæra, conf. Fornm. sög. 1, 97 2, 76. this fôrna at the same time, according to Biörn, meaning elevare, tollere. AS. fôrn porcus, porcaster (?). If the ô did not hinder, we could identify it with the adj. forn vetus, forn sorcerer, fornæskia sorcery, and the OHG. furnie antiquus, priscus, canus (Graff 3, 628); and in particular, use the same glosses for the illustration of baccha pluostar. Forn would then be the term applied by the christians to heathen sacrifices of the former olden time, and that would easily glide into sorcery, nay there would be an actual kinship conceivable between zëpar and zoupar (zanber, magic), and so an additional link between the notions of sacrifice and sorcery, knowing as we do that the verbs garawan, wîhan and perhaps zouwan [AS. gearwian to prepare, Goth. veihan to consecrate, and taujan to bring about] are applicable to both, though our OHG, karo karawi victima, Graff 4, 241 (Germ. gar, AS. gearw, yare) expresses no more than what is made ready, made holy, consecrated. (25) We shall besides have to separate more exactly the ideas vow and sacrifice, Mid. Lat. votum and census, closely as they border on one another: the vow is, as it were, a private sacrifice.

Here then our ancient language had a variety of words at its command, and it may be supposed that they stood for different things; but the difficulty is, to unravel what the differences in the matter were.

Sacrifice rested on the supposition that human food is agreeable to the gods, that intercourse takes place between gods and men. The god is invited to eat his share of the sacrifice, and he really enjoys it. Not till later is a separate divine food placed before him (see Suppl.). The motive of sacrifices was everywhere the same: either to render thanks to the gods for their kindnesses, or to appease their anger; the gods were to be kept gracious, or to be made gracious again. Hence the two main kinds of sacrifice: thank-offerings and sin-offerings. (26) When a meal was eaten, a head of game killed, the enemy conquered (see Suppl.), a firstling of the cattle born, or grain harvested, the gift-bestowing god had a first right to a part of the food, drink, produce, the spoils of war or of the chase (the same idea on which tithes to the church were afterwards grounded). If on the contrary a famine, a failure of crops, a pestilence had set in among a people, they hastened to present propitiatory gifts (see Suppl.). These sin-offerings have by their nature an occasional and fitful character, while those performed to the propitious deity readily pass into periodically recurring festivals. There is a third species of sacrifice, by which one seeks to know the issue of an enterprise, and to secure the aid of the god to who it is presented (see Suppl.). Divination however could also be practised without sacrifices. Besides these three, there were special sacrifices for particular occasions, such as coronations, births, weddings and funerals, which were also for the most part coupled with solemn banquets.

As the gods show favour more than anger, and as men are oftener cheerful than oppressed by their sins and errors, thank-offerings were the earliest and commonest, sin-offerings the more rare and impressive. Whatever in the world of plants can be laid before the gods is gay, innocent, but also less imposing and effective than an animal sacrifice. The streaming blood, the life spilt out seems to have a stronger binding and atoning power. Animal sacrifices are natural to the warrior, the hunter, the herdsman, while the husbandman will offer up grain and flowers.

The great anniversaries of the heathen coincide with popular assemblies and assizes (27) In the Ynglînga saga cap. 8 they are specified thus: þâ skyldi blôta î môti vetri (towards winter) til ârs, enn at miðjum vetri blôta til grôðrar, it þriðja at sumri, þat var sigrblôt (for victory). In the Olafs helga saga cap. 104 (Fornm. sög. 4, 237). en þat er siðr þeirra (it is their custom) at hafa blôt â haustum (autumn) ok fagna þa vetri, annat blôt hafa þeir at miðjum vetri, en hit þriðja at sumri, þa fagna þeir sumari; conf. ed. holm. cap. 115 (see Suppl.). The Autumn sacrifice was offered to welcome the winter, and til ârs (pro annonae ubertate); the Midwinter sacrifice til grôðrar (pro feracitate); the Summer one to welcome the summer, and til sigrs (pro victoria). Halfdan the Old held a great midwinter sacrifice for the long duration of his life and kingdom, Sn. 190. But the great general blôt held at Upsal every winter included sacrifices 'til ârs ok friðar ok sigrs,' Fornm. sög. 4, 154. The formula sometimes runs 'til ârbôtar' (year's increase), or 'til friðar ok vetrarfars gôðs (good wintertime). In a striking passage of the Gutalagh, p. 108, the great national sacrifices are distinguished from the smaller offerings of cattle, food and drink: 'firi þann tima oc lengi eptir siþan troþu menn â hult oc â hauga, vi ok staf-garþa, oc â haiþin guþ blôtaþu þair synum oc dydrum sinum, oc fileþi miþ mati oc mundgati, þat gierþu þair eptir vantro sinni. Land alt hafþi sir hoystu blôtan miþ fulki, ellar hafþi huer þriþiungr sir. En smêri þing hafþu mindri blôtan med, fileþi mati oc mungati, sum haita suþnaustar: þi et þair suþu allir saman.'

Easter-fires, Mayday-fires, Midsummer-fires, with their numerous ceremonies, carry us back to heathen sacrifices; especially such customs as rubbing the sacred flame, running through the glowing embers, throwing flowers into the fire, baking and distributing large loaves or cakes, and the circular dance. Dances passed into plays and dramatic representations (see ch. XIII, drawing the ship, ch. XXIII, and the witch-dances, ch. XXXIV). Afzelius 1, 3 describes a sacrificial play still performed in parts of Gothland, acted by young fellows in disguise, who blacken and rouge their faces (see ch. XVII, sub fine). One, wrapt in fur, sits in a chair as the victim, holding in his mouth a bunch of straw-stalks cut fine, which reach as far as his ears and have the appearance of sow-bristles: by this is meant the boar sacrificed at Yule, which in England is decked with laurel and rosemary (ch. X), just as the devil's offering is with rue, rosemary and orange (ch. XXXIII).

The great sacrificial feast of the ancient Saxons was on Oct. 1, and is traced to a victory gained over the Thuringians in 534 (see ch. VI); in documents of the Mid. Ages this high festival still bears the name of the gemeinwoche or common week (see ch. XIII, Zisa), Würdtwein dipl. magunt. 1 praef. III-V. Scheffers Haltaus p. 142. conf. Höfers östr. wb. 1, 306. Another chronicle places it on Sept. 25 (Ecc.French or. 1, 59); Zisa's day was celebrated on Sept. 29, St. Michael's on the 28th; so that the holding of a harvest-offering must be intended all through.

In addition to the great festivals, they also sacrificed on special occasions, particularly when famine or disease was rife; sometimes for long life: 'blôta til lânglifi,' Landn. 3, 4; or for favour (thockasaeld) with the people: 'Grimr, er blôtinn var dauðr (sacrificed when dead) für thokkasaeld, ok kallaðr kamban', Landn. 1, 14. 3, 16. This epithet kamban must refer to the sacrifice of the dead man's body; I connect it with the OHG. pichimpida funus, Mid. Dut. kimban comere, Diut. 2, 207. conf. note to Andr. 4.

Human Sacrifices are from their nature and origin expiative; some great disaster, some heinous crime can only be purged and blotted out by human blood. With all nations of antiquity they were an old-established custom (28); the following evidences place it beyond a doubt for Germany (see Suppl.). Tac. Germ. 9: Deorum maxime Mercurium colunt, cui certis diebus humanis quoque hostiis litare fas habent. Germ. 39: stato tempore in silvam coeunt, caesoque publice (in the people's name) homine celebrant barbari ritus horrenda primordia. Tac. Ann. 1, 61: lucis propinquis barbarae arae, apud quas tribunos ac primorum ordinum centuriones mactaverant. Tac. Ann. 13, 57: sed bellum Hermunduris prosperum, Cattis exitiosius fuit, quia victores diversam aciem Marti ac Mercurio sacravere, quo voto equi, viri, cuncta victa occidioni dantur. Isidori chron. Goth. aera 446: quorum (regum Gothicorum) unus Radagaisus ..Italiam belli feritate aggreditur, promittens sanguinem Christianorum diis suis litare, si vinceret. Jornandes cap. 5: quem Martem Gothi semper asperrima placavere cultura, nam victimae ejus mortes fuere captorum, opinantes bellorum praesulem aptius humani sanguinis effusione bellorum praesulem aptius humani sanguinis effusione placandum. Orosius 7, 37 of Radagaisus, whom he calls a Scythian, but makes him lead Goths to Italy: qui (ut mos est barbaris hujusmodi generis) sanguinem diis suis propinare devoverat. Procopius de bello Goth. 2, 15 of the Thulites, i.e. Scandinavians: quousi de endelecestata iereia panta kai enagizousi. twn de iereiwn sfisi to kalliston anqrwpoj, onper an dorialwton poihsainto prwton. touton gar tw Arei quousin, epei qeon auton nomizousi megiston einai. Ibid. 2, 14, of the Heruli: polun tina nomizontej qewn omilon, onj dh kai anqrwpwn qusiaij ilaskesqai osion autoij edokei einai. Ibid. 2, 25, of the already converted Franks at their passage of the Po: epilabomenoi de thj gefuraj oi Fraggoi, paidaj te kai gunaikaj twn Gotqwn, oujper entauqa eupon iereuon te kai autwn ta swmata ej ton potamon akroqinia tou polemou erriptoun. oi barbaroi gar outoi, Cristianoi gegonotej, ta polla thj palaiaj doxhj fulassousi, qusiaij te crwmenoi anqrwpwn kai alla ouc osia iereuontej, tauth te taj manteiaj poionmenoi. Sidonius Apollinaris 8, 6 of the Saxons: mos est remeaturis decimum quemque captorum per aequales et cruciarias poenas, plus ob hoc tristi quod superstitioso ritu necare. Capitul. de partib. Saxon. 9: si quis hominem diabolo sacrificaverit et in hostiam, more paganorum, daemonibus obtulerit. Lex Frisionum, additio sap. tit. 42: qui fanum effregerit immolatur diis, quorum templa violavit; the law affected only the Frisians 'trans Laubachi,' who remained heathens longer. What Strabo relates of the Cimbri, and Dietmar of the Northmen, will be cited later. Epist. Bonif. 25 (ed. Würdtw.): hoc quoque inter alia crimina agi in partibus illis dixisti, quod quidam ex fidelibus ad immolandum paganis sua venundent mancipia; masters were allowed to sell slaves, and christians sold them to heathens for sacrifice. The captive prince Graecus Avar de (a) Suevis pecudis more litatus (ch. XIII, the goddess Zisa). (29) For evidences of human sacrifice among the Norse, see Müller's sagabibl. 2, 560. 3, 93. As a rule, the victims were captive enemies, purchased slaves or great criminals; the sacrifice of women and children by the Franks on crossing a river reminds of the Greek diabathria; (30) the first fruits of war, the first prisoner taken, was supposed to bring luck. In folk-tales we find traces of the immolation of children; they are killed as a cure for leprosy, they are walled up in basements (ch. XXXV. XXXVI, end); and a feature that particularly points to a primitive sacrificial rite is, that toys and victuals are handed in to the child, while the roofing-in is completed. Among the Greeks and Romans likewise the victims fell amid noise and flute playing, that their cries might be drowned, and the tears of children are stifled with caresses, 'ne flebilis hostia immoletur'. Extraordinary events might demand the death of kings' sons and daughters, nay, of kings themselves. Thoro offers up his son to the gods; Worm mon. dan. 285. King Oen the Old sacrificed nine sons one after the other to Oðin for his long life; Yngl. saga cap. 29. And the Swedes in a grievous famine, when other great sacrifices proved unavailing, offered up their own king Dômaldi; ibid. cap. 18.

Animal sacrifices were mainly thank-offerings, but sometimes also expiatory, and as such they are not seldom, by way of mitigation, took the place of a previous human sacrifice. I will now quote the evidences (see Suppl.). Herculem et Martem concessis animalibus placant, Tac. Germ. 9; i.e., with animals suitable for the purpose (Hist. 5, 4), 'concessum' meaning sacrum as against profanum; and only those animals were suitable, whose flesh could be eaten by men. It would have been unbecoming to offer food to the god, which the sacrificer himself would have disdained. At the same time these sacrifices appear to be also banquets; an appointed portion of the slaughtered beast is placed before the god, the rest is cut up, distributed and consumed in the assembly. The people thus became partakers in the holy offering, and the god is regarded as feasting with them at their meal (see Suppl.). At great sacrifices the kings were expected to taste each kind of food, and down to late times the house-spirits and dwarfs had their portion set aside for them by the superstitious people.

Quadraginta rustici a Langobardis capti carnes immolatitias comedere compellebantur, Greg. M. dial. 3, 27; which means no more than that the heathen Langobards permitted or expected the captive christians to share their sacrificial feast. (31) These 'immolatitiae carnes' and 'hostiae immolatitiae, quas stulti homines juxta ecclesias ritu pagano faciunt' are also mentioned in Bonifacii epist. 25 and 55, ed. Würdtw.

In the earliest period, the Horse seems to have been the favourite animal for sacrifice; there is no doubt that before the introduction of Christianity its flesh was universally eaten. There was nothing in the ways of the heathen so offensive to the new converts, as their not giving up the slaughter of horses (hrossa-slâtr) and the eating of horseflesh; conf. Nialss. cap. 106. The Christian Northmen reviled the Swedes as hross-æturnar; Fornm. sög. 2, 309. Fagrsk. p. 63. King Hâkon, whom his subjects suspected of Christianity, was called upon 'at hinn skyldi eta hrossaslâtr;' Saga Hâk. gôða cap. 18. From Tac. Ann. 13, 57 we learn that the Hermunduri sacrificed the horses of the defeated Catti. As late as the time of Boniface (Epist. ed. Würdtw. 25. 87 Serr. 121. 142), (32) the Thuringians are strictly enjoined to abstain from horseflesh. Agathias bears witness to the practice of the Alamanni: ippouj te kai boaj, kai alla atta muria karatomountej (beheading), epiqeiazousi, ed. bonn. 28, 5.

Here we must not overlook the cutting off of the head, which was not consumed with the rest, but consecrated by way of eminence to the god. When Cæcina, on approaching the scene of Varus's overthrow, saw horses' heads fastened to the stems of trees (equorum artus, simul truncis arborum antefixa ora, Tac. ann. 1, 61), these were no other than the Roman horses, which the Germans had seized in the battle and offered up to their gods (33) (see Suppl.). A similar 'immolati diis equi abscissum caput' meets us in Saxo gram. p. 75; in the North they fixed it on the neidstange (niðstöng, stake of envy) which gave the power to bewitch an enemy, Egilss. p. 389. In a Hessian kindermärchen (no. 89) we have surviving, but no longer understood, a reminiscence of the mysterious meaning of a suspended horse's head. (34)

But on horse-sacrifices among the heathen Norse we have further information of peculiar value. The St. Olaf's saga, cap. 113 (ed. holm. 2, 181), says: þat fylgði ok þeirri sögn, at þar væri drepit naut ok hross til ârbôtar (followed the saying that there were slain neat and horse for harvest-boot). A tail-piece at the very end of the Hervararsaga mentions a similar sacrifice offered by the apostate Swedes at the election of king Svein (second half of 11th century): var þâ framleidt hross eitt â þingit, ok höggvit î sundr, ok skipt til âts, en rioþuðu blôðinu blôttrê; köstuðu þâ allir Sviar kristni ok hôfust blôt; then was led forward a horse into the Thing, and hewed in sunder, and divided for eating, and they reddened with the blood the blôt-tree, &c. Fornald. sög. 1, 512. Dietmar of Merseburg's description of the great Norse (strictly Danish) sacrificial rite, which however was extinct a hundred years before his time, evidently contains circumstances exaggerated legendwise and distorted; he says 1, 9: Sed quia ego de hostiis (Northmannorum) mira audivi, haec indiscussa praeterire nolo. est unus in his partibus locus, caput istius regni, Lederun nomine, in pago qui Selon (35) dicitur, ubi post novem annos mense Januario, post hoc tempus quo nos theophaniam domini celebramus, omnes convenerunt, et ibi diis suisment lxxx, et ix. homines, et totidem equos, cum canibus et gallis pro accipitribus oblatis, immolant, pro certo, ut praedixi, putantes hos eisdem erga inferos servituros, et commissa crimina apud eosdem placaturos. quam bene rex noster (Heinrich I. an. 931) fecit, qui eos a tam execrando retu prohibuit!

A grand festive sacrifice, coming once in nine years, and costing a considerable number of animals

in this there is nothing incredible. Just as the name hecatomb lived on, when there was nothing like that number sacrificed, so here the legend was likely to keep to a high sounding number; the horror of the human victims perhaps it threw in bodily. But the reason alleged for the animal sacrifice is evidently wide of the mark; it mixes up what was done at funerals (36) with what was done for expiation. It was only the bodies of nobles and rich men that were followed in death by bondsmen and by domestic and hunting animals, so that they might have their services in the other world. Suppose 99 men, we will say prisoners of war, to have been sacrificed to the gods, the animals specified cannot have been intended to escort those enemies, nor yet for the use of the gods, to whom no one ever set apart and slaughtered horses or any beasts of the chase with a view to their making use of them. So whether the ambiguous eisdem refers to homines or diis (as eosdem just after stands for the latter), either way there is something inadmissible asserted. At the new year's festival I believe that of all the victims named the horses alone were sacrificed; men, hounds and cocks the legend has added on. (37) How Dietmar's story looks by the side of Adam of Bremen's on the Upsal sacrifice, shall be considered on p. 53.

Among all animal sacrifices, that of the horse was preeminent and most solemn. Our ancestors have this in common with several Slavic and Finnish nations, with Persians and Indians: with all of them the horse passed for a specially sacred animal. (38)

Sacrifice of Oxen (see Suppl.). The passage from Agathias (ippouj te kai boaj) proves the Alamannic custom, and that from the Olafssaga (naut ok hross) the Norse. A letter to Saint Boniface (Epist. 82, Würdtw.) speaks of ungodly priests 'qui tauros et hircos diis paganorum immolabant.' And one from Gregory the Great ad Mellitum (Epist. 10, 76 and in Beda's hist. eccl. 1, 30) affirms of the Angles: boves solent in sacrificio daemonum multos occidere. The black ox and black cow, which are not to be killed for the household (Superst. 887),

were they sacred sacrificial beasts? Val. Suplit, a free peasant on the Samland coast (Samogitia or Semigalia), sacrificed a black bull with strange ceremonies. (39) I will add a few examples from the Norse. During a famine in Sweden under king Dômaldi: þâ eflðo (instituted) Svîar blôt stôr at Uppsölum, it fyrsta haust (autumn) blôtuðu þeir yxnum; and the oxen proving insufficient, they gradually went up to higher and higher kinds; Yngl. saga, c. 18. þâ gekk hann til hofs (temple) Freyss, ok leiddi þagat uxan gamlan (an old ox), ok mælti svâ: 'Freyr, nû gef ek þer uxa þenna'; en uxanum brâ svâ við, at hann qvað við, ok fêll niðr dauðr (dealt the ox such a blow, that he gave a groan and fell down dead); Islend. sög. 2, 348. conf. Vigaglumssaga, cap. 9. At a formal duel the victor slew a bull with the same weapons that had vanquished his foe: þâ var leiddr fram grâðûngr mikill ok gamall, var þat kallat blôtnaut, þat skyldi sâ höggva er sigr hefði (then was led forth a bull mickle and old, it was called blôt-neat, that should he hew who victory had), Egilss. p. 506. conf. Kormakssaga p. 214-8.

Sacrifice of Cows, Sæm. 141. Fornm. sög. 2, 138.

The Greek ekatombh (as the name shows, 100 oxen) consisted at first of a large number of neat, but very soon of other beasts also. The Indians too had sacrifices of a hundred; Holzmann 3, 193. (40)

Boars, Pigs (see Suppl.). In the Salic Law, tit. 2, a higher composition is set on the majalis sacrivus or votivus than on any other. This seems a relic of the ancient sacrifices of the heathen Franks; else why the term sacrivus? True, there is no vast difference between 700 and 600 den. (17 and 15 sol.); but of animals so set apart for holy use there must have been a great number in heathen times, so that the price per head did not need to be high. Probably they were selected immediately after birth, and marked, and then reared with the rest till the time of sacrificing.

In Frankish and Alamannic documents there often occurs the word friscing, usually for porcellus, but sometimes for agnus, occasionally in the more limited sense of porcinus and agninus; the word may by its origin express recens natus, new-born, (41) but it now lives only in the sense of porcellus (frischling). How are we to explain then that this OHG. friscing in several writers translates precisely the Lat. hostia, victima, holocaustum (Notker cap. 8, ps. 15, 4. 26, 6. 33, 1. 39, 8. 41, 10. 43, 12. 22. 50, 21. 115, 17. ôsterfriscing, ps. 20, 3. lamp unkawemmit kakepan erdu friscing, i.e. lamb unblemished given to earth a sacrifice, Hymn 7, 10), except as a reminiscence of heathenism? The Jewish paschal lamb would not suggest it, for in friscing the idea of porcellus was predominant.

In the North, the expiatory boar, sônargöltr, offered to Freyr, was a periodical sacrifice; and Sweden has continued down to modern times the practice of baking loaves and cakes on Yule-eve in the shape of a boar. This golden-bristled boar has left his track in inland Germany too. According to popular belief in Thuringia, (42) whoever on Christmas eve abstains from all food till suppertime, will get sight of a young golden pig, i.e. in olden times it was brought up last at the evening banquet. A Lauterbach ordinance (weisthum) of 1589 decreed (3, 369), that unto a court holden the day of the Three-kings, therefore in Yule time, the holders of farm-steads (hübner) should furnish a clean goldferch (gold-hog) gelded while yet under milk; it was led round the benches, and no doubt slaughtered afterwards. (43) So among the Welsh, the swine offered to the gods became one destined for the King's table. It is the 'swîn ealgylden, eofor îrenheard' of the Anglo-Saxons, and of its exact relation to the worship of Frôho (Freyr) we have to treat more in detail by and by. The Greeks sacrificed swine to Dêmêtêr (Ceres), who as Nerthus stands very near to Niörðr, Freyr and Freyja.

Rams, Goats (see Suppl.).

As friscing came to mean victima, so conversely a name for animal sacrifice, Goth. sáuðr = wether. This species of sacrifice was therefore not rare, though it is seldom expressly mentioned, probably as being of small value. Only the saga Hâkonar gôða cap. 16 informs us: þar var oc drepinn (killed) allskonar smali, ok svâ hross. Smali (mhla) denotes principally sheep, also more generally the small beasts of the flock as opposed to oxen and horses, and as 'alls konar (omnis generis)' is here aded, it seems to include goats. The sacrifice of he-goats (hircos) is spoken of in the above-quoted Epist. Bonif. 82. In the Swedish superstition, the water-sprite, before it will teach any one to play the harp, requires the sacrifice of a black lamb; Svenska folkv. 2, 128. Gregory the Great speaks once of she-goats being sacrificed; he says the Langobards offer to the devil, i.e., to one of their gods, caput caprae, hoc ei, per circuitum currentes, carmine nefando dedicantes; Dial. 3, 28. This head of a she-goat (or he-goat?) was reared aloft, and the people bowed before it. The hallowing of a he-goat among the ancient Prussians is well known. (Luc. David 1, 87, 98). The Slavonian god Triglav is represented with three goats' heads (Hanka's zbjrka 23). If that Langobardic 'carmen nefandum' had been preserved, we could judge more exactly of the rite than from the report of the holy father, who viewed it with hostile eyes.

About other sacrificial beasts we cannot be certain, for of Dietmar's dogs and hawks and cocks, hardly any but the last are to be depended on (see Suppl.). But even then, what of domestic poultry, fowls, geese, pigeons? The dove was a Jewish and christian sacrifice, the Greeks offered cocks to Asklepios, and in Touraine a white cock used to be sacrificed to St. Christopher for the cure of a bad finger (Henri Estienne cap. 38, 6). Of game, doubtless only those fit to eat were fit to sacrifice, stages, roes, wild boars, but never bears, wolves or foxes, who themselves possess a ghostly being, and receive a kind of worship. Yet one might suppose that for expiation uneatable beasts, equally with men, might be offered, just as slaves and also hounds and falcons followed the burnt body of their master. Here we must first of all place Adam of Bremen's description (4, 27) of the great sacrifice at Upsala by the side of Dietmar's account of that at Hlethra (see p. 48):

Solet quoque post novem annos communis omnium Sveoniae provinciarum solennitas celebrari, ad quam nulli praestatur immunitas; reges et populi, omnes et singuli sua dona ad Ubsolam transmittunt, et, quod omni poena crudelius est, illi qui jam induerunt christianitatem ab illis ceremoniis se redimunt. Sacrificium itaque tale est: ex omni animante quod masculinum est. Corpora autem suspenduntur in lucum qui proximus est templo. Is enim lucus tam sacer est gentilibus, ut singulae arbores ejus ex morte vel tabo immolatorum divinae credantur. Ibi etiam canes, qui pendent cum hominibus, quorum corpora mixtim suspensa narravit mihi quidam christianorum se septuaginta duo vidisse. Ceterum naeniae, quae in ejusmodi ritibus libatoriis fieri solent, multiplices sunt et inhonestae, ideoque melius reticendae.

The number nine is prominent in this Swedish sacrificial feast, exactly as in the Danish; but here also all is conceived in the spirit of legend. First, the heads of victims seem the essential thing again, as among the Franks and Langobards; then the dogs come in support of those Hlethra 'hounds and hawks,' but at the same time remind us of the old judicial custom of hanging up wolves or dogs by the side of criminals (RA. 685-6). That only the male sex of every living creature is here to be sacrificed, is in striking accord with an episode in the Reinardus, which was composed less than a century after Adam, and in its groundwork might well be contemporary with him. At the wedding of a king, the males of all quadrupeds and birds were to have been slaughtered, but the cock and gander had made their escape. It looks to me like a legend of the olden time, which still circulated in the 11-12th centuries, and which even a nursery-tale (No. 27, the Town musicians) knows something of. (44) Anyhow, in heathen times male animals seem to be in special demand for sacrifice. (45) As for killing one of every species (and even Agathias's kai alla atta muria does not come up to that), it would be such a stupendous affair, that its actual execution could never have been conceivable; it can only have existed in popular tradition. It is something like the old Mirror of Saxony and that of Swabia assuring us that every living creature present at a deed of rapine, whether oxen, horses, cats, dogs, fowl, geese, swine or men, had to be beheaded, as well as the actual delingquent (in real fact, only when they were his property); (46) or like the Edda relating how oaths were exacted of all animals and plants, and all beings were required to weep. The creatures belonging to a man, his domestic animals, have to suffer with him in case of cremation, sacrifice or punishment.

Next to the kind, stress was undoubtedly laid on the colour of the animal, white being considered the most favourable. White horses are often spoken of (Tac. Germ. 10. Weisth. 3, 30l. 311. 831), even so far back as the Persians (Herod. 1, 189). The friscing of sacrifice was probably of a spotless white; and in later law records snow-white pigs are pronounced inviolable. (47) The Votiaks sacrificed a red stallion, the Tcheremisses a white. When under the old German law dun or pied cattle were often required in payment of fines and tithes, this might have some connexion with sacrifices (48); for witchcraft also, animals of a particular hue were requisite. The water-sprite demanded a black lamb, and the huldres have a black lamb and black cat offered up to them (Asb. 1. 159). Saxo Gram. p. 16 says; rem divinam facere furvis hostiis; does that mean black beasts?

We may suppose that cattle were garlanded and adorned for sacrifice. A passage in the Edda requires gold-horned cows, Sæm. 141; and in the village of Fienstädt in Mansfeld a coal-black ox with a white star and white feet, and a he-goat with gilded horns were imposed as dues. (49) There are indications that the animals, before being slaughtered, were led round within the circle of the assembly

that is how I explain the leading round the benches, and per circuitum currere, pp. 51, 52

perhaps, as among the Greeks and Romans, to give them the appearance of going voluntarily to death (50) (see Suppl.). Probably care had to be taken also that the victim should not have been used in the service of man, e.g., that the ox had never drawn plough or waggon. For such colts and bullocks are required in our ancient law-records at a formal transfer of land, or the ploughing to death of removers of landmarks.

On the actual procedure in a sacrifice, we have scarcely any information except from Norse authorities. While the animal laid down its life on the sacrificial stone, all the streaming blood (ON. hlaut) was caught either in a hollow dug for the purpose, or in vessels. With this gore they smeared the sacred vessels and utensils, and sprinkled the participants. (51) Apparently divination was performed by means of the blood, perhaps a part of it was mixed with ale or mead, and drunk. In the North the bloodbowls (hlautbollar, blôtbollar) do not seem to have been large; some nations had big cauldrons made for the purpose (see Suppl.). The Swedes were taunted by Olafr Tryggvason with sitting at home and licking their sacrificial pots, 'at sitja heima ok sleikja blôtbolla sîna,' Fornm. sög. 2, 309. A cauldron of the Cimbri is noticed in Strabo 7, 2: eqoj de ti twn Kimbrwn dihgountai toiouton, oti taij gunaixin autwn sustrateuousaij parhkolouqoun promanteij iereiai poliotricej, leuceimonej, karpasinaj efaptidaj epipeporphmeiai, zwsma calkoun ecousai, gumnopodej. toij oun alcmalwtoij dia tou stratopedou sunhntwn xifhreij. katasteyasai dautouj hgon epi krathra calkoun, oson amforewn eikosi. eicon de anabaqran, hn anabasa (h mantij) iperpethj tou lebhtoj elaimotomei ekaston metewrisqenta. ek de tou proceomenou aimatoj eij ton krathra, manteian tina epoiounto. (52) Another cauldron of the Suevi, in the Life of St. Columban: Sunt etenim inibri vicinæ nationes Suevorum; quo cum moraretur, et inter habitarores illius loci progrederetur, reperit eos sacrificium profanum litare velle, vasque magnum, quod vulgo eupam vocant, quod viginti et sex modios amplius minusve capiebat, cerevisia plenum in medio habebant positum. Ad quod vir Dei accessit et sciscitatur, quid de illo fieri vellent? Illi aiunt: deo suo Wodano, quem Mercurium vocant alii, se velle litare. Jonas Bobbiensis, vita Columb. (from the first half of the 7th cent. Mabillon ann. Bened. 2, 26). Here we are expressly told that the cauldron was filled with ale, and not that the blood of a victim was mixe with it; unless the narrative is incomplete, it may have meant only a drink-offering.

Usually the cauldron served to cook, i.e., boil, the victim's flesh; it never was roasted. Thus Herodotus 4, 61 describes a boiling (eyein) of the sacrifice in the great cauldron of the Scythians. From this seething, according to my conjecture, the ram was called sauþs, and those who took part in the sacrifice suðnautar (partakers of the sodden), Gutalag p. 108; the boilings, the cauldrons and pots of witches in later times may be connected with this. (53) The distribution of the pieces among the people was probably undertaken by a priest; on great holidays the feast (54) was held there and then in the assembly, on other occasions each person might doubtless take his share home with him. That priests and people really ate the food, appears from a number of passages (conf. above, p. 46). The Capitularies 7, 405 adopt the statement in Epist. Bonif. cap. 25 (an. 732) of a Christian 'presbyter Jovi mactans, et immolatitias carnes vescens.' We may suppose that private persons were allowed to offer small gifts to the gods on particular occasions, and consume a part of them; this the Christians called 'more gentilium offerre, et ad honorem daemonum comedere,' Capit. de part. Sax. 20. It is likely also, that certain nobler parts of the animal were assigned to the gods, the head, liver, heart, tongue. (55) The head and skin of slaughtered game were suspended on trees in honour of them (see Suppl.).

Whole burntofferings, where the animal was converted into ashes on the pile of wood, do not seem to have been in use. The Goth. allbrunsts Mk 12, 33 is made merely to translate the Gk. olokautwma, so the OHG. albrandopher, N. ps. 64, 2; and the AS. brynegield onhreáð rommes blôðe, Cædm. 175, 6. 177, 18 is meant to express purely a burntoffering in the Jewish sense. (56)

Neither were incense-offerings used; the sweet incense of the christians was a new thing to the heathen. Ulphilas retains the Gk. thymiama Lu. 1, 10. 11; and our weih-rauch (holy-reek), O. Sax. wirôc Hel. 3, 22, and the ON. reykelsi, Dan. rögelse are formed according to christian notions (see Suppl.).

While the sacrifice of a slain animal is more sociable, more universal, and is usually offered by the collective nation or community; fruit or flowers, milk or honey is what any household, or even an individual may give. These Fruit-offerings are therefore more solitary and paltry; history scarcely mentions them, but they have lingered the longer and more steadfastly in popular customs (see Suppl.).

When the husbandman cuts his corn, he leaves a clump of ears standing for the god who blessed the harvest, and he adorns it with ribbons. To this day, at a fruit-gathering in Holstein, five or six apples are left hanging on each tree, and then the next crop will thrive. More striking examples of this custom will be given later, in treating of individual gods. But, just as tame and eatable animals were especially available for sacrifice, so are fruit-trees (frugiferae arbores, Tac Germ. 10), and grains; and at a formal transfer of land, boughs covered with leaves, apples or nuts are used as earnest of the bargain. The MHG. poet (Fundgr. II, 25) describes Cain's sacrifice in the words: 'eine garb er nam, er wolte sie oppheren mit eheren joch mit agemen,' a sheaf he took, he would offer it with ears and eke with spikes: a formula expressing at once the upper part or beard (arista), and the whole ear and stalk (spica) as well. Under this head we also put the crowning of the divine image, of a sacred tree or a sacrificial animal with foliage or flowers; not the faintest trace of this appears in the Norse sagas, and as little in our oldest documents. From later times and surviving folk-tales I can bring forward a few things. On Ascension day the girls in more than one part of Germany twine garlands of white and red flowers, and hang them up inthe dwellingroom or over the cattle in the stable, where they remain till replaced by fresh ones the next year. (57) At the village of Questenberg in the Harz, on the third day in Whitsuntide, the lads carry an oak up the castle-hill which overlooks the whole district, and, when they have set it upright, fasten to it a large garland of branches of trees plaited together, and as big as a cartwheel. They all shout 'the queste (i.e. garland) hangs,' and then they dance round the tree on the hill top; both trees and garland are renewed every year.(58) Not far from the Meisner mountain in Hesse stands a high precipice with a cavern opening under it, which goes by the name of the Hollow Stone. Into this cavern every Easter Monday the youths and maidens of the neighbouring villages carry nosegays, and then draw some cooling water. No one will venture down, unless he has flowers with him. (59) The lands in some Hessian townships have to pay a bunch of mayflowers (lilies of the valley) every year for rent. (60) In all these examples, which can easily be multiplied, a heathen practice seems to have been transferred to christian festivals and offerings. (61).

As it was a primitive and widespread custom at a banquet to set aside a part of the food for the household gods, and particularly to place a dish of broth before Berhta and Hulda, the gods were also invited to share the festive drink. The drinker, before taking any himself, would pour some out of his vessel for the god or housesprite, as the Lithuanians, when they drank beer, spilt some of it on the ground for their earth-goddess Zemynele. (62) Compare with this the Norwegian sagas of Thor, who appears at weddings when invited, and takes up and empties huge casks of ale.

I will now turn once more to that account of the Suevic ale-tub (cupa) in Jonas (see p. 56), and use it to explain the heathen practice of minne-drinking, which is far from being extinct under christianity. Here also both name and custom appear common to all the Teutonic races.

The Gothic man (pl. munum. pret. munda) signified I think; gaman (pl. gamunum, pret. gamunda) I bethink me, I remember. From the same verb is derived the OHG. minna = minia amor, minnôn = miniôn amare, to remember a loved one. In the ON. language we have the same man, munum, and also minni memoria, minna recordari, but the secondary meaning of amor was never developed.

It was customary to honour an absent or deceased one by making mention of him at the assembly or the banquet and draining a goblet to his memory: this goblet, this draught was called in ON. erfi dryckja, or again minni (erfi = funeral feast).

At grand sacrifices and banquets the god or the gods were remembered, and their minni drunk: minnis-öl (ale), Sæm. 119 (opposed to ôminnis öl), minnis-horn, minnis-full (cupfull). fôro minni mörg, ok skyldi horn dreckia î minni hvert (they gave many a m., and each had to drink a horn to the m.) um gôlf gânga at minnom 0llum, Egilss. 206. 253. minniöl signôð âsom, Olafs helga saga (ed holm.) 113. signa is the German segnen to bless, consecrate. signa full Oðni, Thôr. Oðins full, Niarðar full, Freys full drecka, Saga Hâkonar gôða cap. 16. 18. In the Herrauðs-saga cap. 11, Thôr's, Oðin's and Freya's minne is drunk. At the burial of a king there was brought up a goblet called Bragafull (funeral toast cup), before which every one stood up, took a solemn vow, and emptied it, Yngl. saga cap. 40; other passages have bragarfull, Sæm. 146. Fornald. sög. 1, 345. 417. 515. The goblet was also called minnisveig (swig, draught), Sæm. 193. After conversion they did not give up the custom, but drank the minne of Christ, Mary, and the saints: Krists minni, Michaêls minni, Fornm. sög. 1, 162. 7, 148. In the Fornm. sög. 10, 1781, St. Martin demands of Olaf that his minni be proposed instead of those of Thôr, Oðin, and the other âses.

The other races were just as little weaned from the practice; only where the term minne had changed its meaning, it is translated by the Lat. amor instead of memoria; (63) notably as early as in Liutprand, hist. 6, 7 (Muratori II. 1, 473), and Liutpr. hist. Ott. 12: diaboli in amorem vinum bibere. Liutpr. antapod. 2, 70: amoris salutisque mei causa bibito. Liutpr. leg. 65: potas in amore beati Johannis præcursoris. Here the Baptist is meant, not the Evangelist; but in the Fel. Faber evagat. 1, 148 it is distinctly the latter. In Eckehard casus S. Galli, Pertz 2, 84: amoreque, ut moris est, osculato et epoto, laetabundi discendunt. In the Rudlieb 2, 162:

post poscit vinum Gerdrudis amore, quod haustum

participat nos tres, postremo basia fingens,

quando vale dixit post nos gemit et benedixit.

In the so-called Liber occultus, according to the München MS., at the description of a scuffle:

hujus ad dictum nullus plus percutit ictum,

sed per clamorem poscunt Gertrudis amorem.

In the Peregrinus, a 13th cent. Latin poem, v. 335 (Leyser 2114):

et rogat ut potent sanctae Gertrudis amore,

ut possent omni prosperitate frui.

At Erek's departure: der wirt neig im an den fuoz, ze hand truog er im dô ze heiles gewinne sant Gêrtrûde minne, Er. 4015. The armed champion 'tranc sant Johannes segen,' Er. 8651. Hagene, while killing Etzel's child, says, Nib. 1897, 3:

nu trinken wir die minne unde gelten sküneges win,

iz mac anders niht gesin

want trinkt und geltet Ezeln wîn; Helbl. 6, 160. 14. 86.

Here the very word gelten recalls the meaning it had acquired in connexion with sacrificing; conf. Schm. 2, 40. si dô zucten di suert unde scancten eine minne (drew their swords and poured out a m.), Herz. Ernst in Hoffm. fundgr. 1, 230, 35. minne schenken, Berthold 276-7. sant Johannis minne geben, Oswald 611. 1127. 1225 (see Suppl.). No doubt the same thing that was afterwards called 'einen ehrenwein shenken'; for even in our older speech êra, êre denoted verehrung, reverence shown to higher and loved beings.

In the Mid. Ages then, it was two saints in particular that had minne drunk in honour of them, John the evangalist and Gertrude. John is said to have drunk poisoned wine without hurt, hence a drink consecrated to him prevented all danger of poisoning. Gertrude revered John above all saints, and therefore her memory seems to have been linked with his. But she was also esteemed as a peacemaker, and in the Latinarius metricus of a certain Andreas rector scholarum she is invoked:

O pia Gerdrudis, quae pacis commoda cudis

bellaque concludis, nos caeli mergito ludis!

A clerk prayed her daily, 'dass sie ihm schueffe herberg guot,' to find him lodging good; and in a MS. of the 15th cent. we are informed: aliqui dicunt, quod quando anima egressa est, tunc prima nocte pernoctabit cum beata Gerdrude, secunda nocte cum archangelis, sed tertia nocte vadit sicut diffinitum est de ea. This remarkable statement will be found further on to apply to Freya, of whom, as well as of Hulda and Berhta, Gertrude reminds us the more, as she was representing spinning. Both John's and Gertrude's minne used especially to be drunk by parting friends, travellers and lovers of peace, as the passages quoted have shown. I know of no older testimony to Gertrude's minne (which presupposes John's) than that in Rudlieb; in later centuries we find plenty of them: der brâhte mir sant Johans segen, La. 3, 336. sant Johans segen trinken, Ls 2, 262. ich dâht an sant Johans minne, Ls. 2, 264. varn (to fare) mit sant Gêrtrûde minne, Amgb. 33. setz sant Johans ze burgen mir, daz du komst gesunt herwider shier, Hätzl. 191. sant Johannes namen trinken, Altd. bl. 413. sant Gêrtrûde minne, Cod. kolocz. 72. trinken sant Johannes segen und scheiden von dem lande, Morolt. 3103. diz ist sancte Johans minne, Cod. pal. 364, 158. S. Johans segen trinken, Anshelm 3, 416. Johans segen, Fischart gesch. kl. 99. Simpliciss. 2, 262. (64)

Those Suevi then, whom Columban was approaching, were probably drinking Wuotan's minne; Jonas relates how the saint blew the whole vessel to pieces and spoilt their pleasure: manifesto datur intelligi, diabolum in eo vase fuisse occultatum, qui per profanum litatorem caperet animas sacrificantium. So by Liutprand's devil, whose minne is drunk, we may suppose a heathen god to have been meant. gefa þriggja sâlda öl Oðni (give three tuns of ale to Oðinn), Fornm. sög. 2, 16. gefa Thôr ok Oðni öl, ok signa full âsum, ibid. 1, 280. drecka minni Thôrs ok Oðins, ibid. 3, 191. As the North made the sign of Thor's hammer, christians used the cross for the blessing (segnung) of the cup; conf. poculum signare, Walthar. 225, precisely the Norse signa full.

Minne-drinking, even as a religious rite, apparently exists to this day in some parts of Germany. At Othergen a village of Hildesheim, on Dec. 27 every year a chalice of wine is hallowed by the priest, and handed to the congregation in the church to drink as Johannis segen (blessing); it is not done in any of the neighbouring places. In Sweden and Norway we find at Candlemas a dricka eldborgs skål, drinking a toast (see Superst. k, Swed. 122).

Now that Suevic cupa filled with beer (p. 75) was a hallowed sacrificial cauldron, like that which the Cimbri sent to the emperor Augustus. (65) Of the Scythian cauldron we have already spoken, p. 75; and we know what part the cauldron plays in the Hýmisqviða and at the god's judgment on the seizure of the cauldron (by Thor afrom giant Hymir). Nor ought we to overlook the ON. proper names Asketill, Thôrketill (abbrev. Thorkel) AS. Oscytel (Kemble 2, 302); they point to kettles consecrated to the âs and to Thor.

Our knowledge of heathen antiquities will gain both by the study of these drinking usages which have lasted into later times, and also of the shapes given to baked meats, which either retained the actual forms of ancient idols, or were accompanied by sacrificial observances. A history of German cakes and bread-rolls might contain some unexpected disclosures. Thus the Indicul. superstit. 26 names simulacra de consparsa farina. Baked figures of animals seem to have represented animals that were reverenced, or the attributes of a god. (66) From a striking passage in the Fridthiofssaga (fornald. sög. 2, 86) it appears that the heathen at a disa blôt baked images of gods and smeared them with oil: 'sâtu konur við eldinn ok bökuðu goðin, en sumar smurðu ok þerðu með dûkum,' women sat by the fire and baked the gods, while some anointed them with cloths. By Friðþiof's fault a baked Baldr falls into the fire, the fat blazes up, and the house is burnt down. According to Voetius de superstit. 3, 122 on the day of Paul's conversion they placed a figure of straw before the hearth on which they were baking, and if it brought a fine bright day, they anointed it with butter; otherwise they kicked it from the hearth, smeared it with dirt, and threw it in the water.

Much therefore that is not easy to explain in popular offerings and rites, as the colour of animals (p. 54), leading the boar round (p. 51), flowers (p. 58), minne-drinking (p. 59), even the shape of cakes, is a reminiscence of the sacrifices of heathenism (see Suppl.).

Beside prayers and sacrifices, one essential feature of the heathen cultus remains to be brought out: the solemn carrying about of divine images. The divinity was not to remain rooted to one spot, but at various times to bestow its presence on the entire compass of the land (see ch. XIV). So Nerthus rode in state (invehebatur populis), and Berecynthia (ch. XIII), so Frô traveled out in spring, so the sacred ship, the sacred plough was carried round (ch. XIII Isis). The figure of the unknown Gothic god rode in its wagon (ch. VI). Fetching-in the Summer or May, carrying-out Winter and Death, are founded on a similar view. Holda, Berhta and the like beings all make their circuit at stated seasons, to the heathen's joy and the christian's terror; even the march of Wuotan's host may be so interpreted (conf. ch. XXXI. Frau Gauden). When Frô had ceased to appear, Dietrich with the ber (boar) and Dietrich Bern still showed themselves (ch. X. XXXI), or the sônargöltr (atonement-boar) was conveyed to the heroes' banquet (ch. X), and the boar led round the benches (p. 51). Among public legal observances, the progress of a newly elected king along the highways, the solemn lustration of roads, the beating of bounds, at which in olden times gods' images and priests can hardly have been wanting, are all the same kind of thing. After the conversion, the church permanently sanctioned such processions, except that the Madonna and saints' images were carried, particularly when drought, bad crops, pestilence or war had set in, so as to bring back rain (ch. XX), fertility of soil, healing and victory; sacred images were even carried to help in putting out a fire. The Indicul. paganiar. XXVIII tells 'de simulacro quod per campos portant,' on which Eccard 1, 437 gives an important passage from the manuscript Vita Marcsvidis (not Maresvidis): statuimus ut annuatim secunda feria pentecostes patronum ecclesiae in parochiis vestris longo ambitu circumferentes et domos vestras lustrantes, et pro gentilitio ambarvali in lacrymis et varia devotione vos ipsos mactetis et ad refectionem pauperum eleemosynam comportetis, et in hac curti pernoctantes super reliquias vigiliis et cantibus solennisetis, ut praedicto mane determinatum a vobis amitum pia lustratione complentes ad monasterium cum honore debito reportetis. Confido autem de partoni hujus misericordia, quod sic ab ea gyrade terrae semina uberius proveniant, et variae aëris inclementiae cessent. The Roman ambarvalia were purifications of fields, and sacrifices were offered at the terminus publicus; the May procession and the riding of bounds and roads during the period of German heathenism must have been very similar to them. On the Gabel-heath in Mecklenburg the Wends as late as the 15th century walked round the budding corn with loud cries; Giesebrecht 1, 87.


1. Verehrung, OHG éra, Goth. prob. áiza. The OHG êrôn is not merely our ehren, to honor, but also verehren, revereri (as reverentia is adoration, cultus); AS weorðian, OS giwerthôn. All that comes from the gods or concerns them is holy, for which the oldest Teutonic word is Goth. veihs. OHG wîh; but only a few of the OHG documents use this word, the rest preferring heilae, OS has only hélag, AS hâlig, ON heilagr. On the connection of wîh with the subst. wih, more hereafter. Frôn denotes holy in the sense of dominicus.

                2. Cleasby-Vigfusson gives no meaning like inclinare, either under vîta 'to fine,' or under vita 'to wit.'


                3. Bopp, Comp. gram. p. 128, identifies inveita with the Zend nivaêdhayêmi invoco.

                4. What was the physical meaning of the Slav. moliti rogare, molitise orare, Boh. modliti se, Pol. modlié sie? The Sloven. moliti still means porrigere, conf. Lith. meldziu rogo, inf. melsti, and malda oratio. Pruss. madla, conf. Goth. maþljan loqui. maþleins loquela, which is next door to oratio.

                5. Iw. 3315 vlêgete got; but in the oldest MS. vlêhete gote.

                6. Dem stíge nîgen, Iw. 5837. dem wege nîgen, Parz. 375, 26. dem lande nîgen, Trist. 11532. nîgen in daz lant, Wigal. 4018. nîgen in elliu lant, Iw. 7755. in die werlt nîgen, Frauend. 163, 10. den stîgen und wegen segen tuon, Iw. 357 (see Suppl.)

                7. Fial in sine fuazi, O. III. 10, 27. an sîne füeze, Karl 14. The Christians in the Mid. Ages called it venie fallen. Parz. 460, 10. Karl 104. Berth. 173. Ksrchr. 2958. 3055. Kneeling and kissing the ground, to obtain absolution: dâ er ût siner venie lac (lay), Barl. 366, 21. den ariger maz mit der langen venie, Frib. Trist. 2095. venien suochen, MS. 1, 23. Morolt. 28. Troj. 9300. terrae osculationibus, quas venias appellant, Pez. bibl. ascet. 8, 440. gie ze kirchen und banekte (prostrated ?) ze gote sîniu glider mit venien und gebet, Cod. koloez. 180.

                8. The tchelo-bîtnaya, beating of the forehead in presenting a petition, was prohibited in Russia by Catherine II. Conf. pronis vultibus adorare, Helmold 1, 38.

                9. What else I have collected about this practice, may be inserted here: elevato a capite pileo alloquitur seniorem, Dietm. Merseb. p. 824 (an. 1012). sublata eydare surgens inclinat honeste. Ruodlieb 2, 93. Odofredus in I. secundo loco digest. de postulando: Or signori, hic colligimus argumentum, quod aliquis quando veniet coram magistratu debet ei revereri, quod est contra Ferrarienses, qui, si essent coram Deo, non extraherent sibi capellum vel birretum de capite, nec flexis genibus postularent. Pilleus in capite est, Isengrimus 1139. oster la chape (in saluting), Mêon 4, 261. gelüpfet den huot, Ms H. 3, 330. sînen huot er abenam, hiemit êret er in also, Wigal. 1436. er zôch durch sîn hübscheit den huot gezogenlichen abe, Troj. 1775. dô stuont er ûf geswinde gnuoe, ein schapel daz er ûf truoc von gimmen und von golde fin, daz nam er ab dem houpte sin, Troj. 18635. er zucket im sîn keppalt, Ls. 3, 35. er was gereit. daz er von dem houbt den huot liez vliegen und sprach, Kolocz. 101. Festus explains: lucem facere dicuntur Saturno sacrificantes, id est capita detegere; again: Saturno fit sacrificium capite aperto; conf. Macrob. Sat. 1, 8. Serv. in Virg. 3, 407.

                10. Wæs gewunod þæt he wolde gân on niht tô sæ, and standan on þam sealtum brimme, oð his swuran, singende his gebedu, and siððan his eneowu on þam ceosle gebygde, astrehtum handbredum tô heofenlicum rodere; Thorpe's analecta, pp. 76-7. homil. 2. 138. [I have thought it but fair to rescue the saint from a perilous position in which the German had inadvertently placed him by making him "wade into the sea up to his neck, and kneel down to sing his prayers".


In the Old French jeu de saint Nicolas, Tervagant has to be approached on bare elbows and knees; Legrand fabl. 1, 343.

                11. At the abrenuntiatio one had to face the sunset, with wrinkled brow (fronte caperata), expressing anger and hatred; but at the confession of faith, to face the sunrise, with eyes and hands raised to heaven; Bingham lib. xi. cap. 7. 9. 13. 14. Conf. Joh. Olavii synt. de baptismo, pp. 64-5.

                12. Mock-piety, hypocrisy, was branded in the Mid. Ages likewise, by strong phraseology: er wil gote die füeze abezzen (eat the feet off), Ls. 3, 421. Fragm. 28. Mones anz. 3, 22. unserm Herrgott die füess abbeissen wollen (bite off), Schmeller 2, 231. den heiligen die füss abbeten wollen (pray the saints' feet off them), Simplic. 1. 4, 17. herrgottbeisser, Höfer 2, 48. herrgottfisler (füszler), Schmid I, 93. heiligenfresserin, 10 ehen, p. 62. So the Ital. mangiaparadiso,French mangeur de crucefix, Boh. Pol. liciobrazek (licker of saints). A sham saint is indifferently termed kapeltrete, tempeltrete, tempelrinne, Mones schausp. p. 123, 137 (see Suppl.).

                13. Not from operari, which in that sense was unknown to the church, the Romance languages likewise using It. offerire, Sp. ofrecer,French offrir, never operare, obrar, ouvrer; the same technical sense adheres to offerta, ofrenda, offrande. From oblata come the Sp. oblea,French oublie, and perhaps the MHG. oblei, unless it is from eulogia, oblagia. From offre and offerta are formed the Wel. offryd, Ir. oifrion, aifrion, offrail. Lastly, the derivation from ferre, offerre, is confirmed by the German phrase 'ein opfer bringen, darbringen.'

                14. Ophar, opfer could hardly be the Goth. áibr dwron, in which neither the vowel nor the consonant agrees. The Wel. abert, Gael. iobairt, Ir. iodbairt, (sacrificium) probably belong also to offerta.

                15. When Sozomen hist. eccl. 6, 37 in a narrative of Athanaric uses proskunein kai quein, the Gothic would be inveitan jah blôtan.

                16. The Gl. Hrab. 954: bacha, plôstar, is incomplete; in Gl. Ker. 45. Diut. 1, 166 it stands: bacha sacrificat, ploastar ploazit, or zepar plôzit; so that it is meant to translate only the Lat. verb, not the subst. bacha (bakch). Or perhaps a better reading is 'bachat' for bacchatur, and the meaning is 'non sacrificat'.

                17. Landn. 1, 2: blôtaði hrafna þria, worshipped three ravens, who were going to show him the road; so, in Sæm. 141, a bird demands that cows be sacrificed to him; the victim itself is ON. blôt, and we are told occasionally: feck at blôti, ak blôti miklu, offered a sacrifice, a great sacrifice, Landn. 2, 29.

                18. Letter for letter it agrees with floidow I light up, burn, which is also expressed in qnw and the Lat. suffio; but, if the idea of burnt-offering was originally contained in blôtan, it must have got obscured very early.

                19. Even in MHG. the word seems to have already become extinct; it may survive still in terms referring to place, as blotzgraben, blotzgarten in Hessen, conf. the phrase 'blotzen müssen,' to have to fork out (sacrifice) money. An old knife or sword also is called blotz (see Suppl.).

                20. So the O. Boh. obiecati obiet (Königinh. hs. 72) is strictly opfer verheissen, to promise or devote an offering.

                21. Serv. prilóg offering, what is laid before, prilozhiti to offer; Sloven. dar, darina, daritva = dwron. [Russ. darü sviatüye = dwra iera means the eucharist.] The Sloven aldov, bloodless offering, seems not to be Slavic, it resembles Hung. aldozat. Qusia is rendered in O. Slav. by zhrtva (Kopitar's Glagol. 72), in Russ. by zhertva [fr. zh'ariti to roast, burn ? or zháriti devour, zhëra glutton?].

                22. Rom. 12, 1. 'present your bodies a living sáuð' was scarcely a happy combination, if sáuðs conveyed the notion of something boiled! Can nothing be made of sôðjan satiare soothe (Milton's 'the soothest shepherd' = sweetest, Goth. sûtista)? Grimm's law of change in mutes has many exceptions: pater father fæder vater (4 stages instead of 3, so mater); sessel a settle, and sattel a saddle, both from sit sat; treu true, but trinken drink, &c.


                23. Titur. 5198, ungezibere stands for monster; but what can ungezibele mean in Lanz. 5028 vor grôzem ungezibele? nibele?

                24. Cædm. 9, 2: þa seo tid gewât ofer tiber sceacan middangeardes. This passage, whose meaning Thorpe himself did not rightly seize, I understand thus: As time passed over (God's) gift of this earth. The inf. sceacan (elabi) depends on gewât; so in Judith anal. 140, 5: gewiton on fleám sceacan, began to flee; and still more freq. gewiton gangan.

                25. The Skr. kratu sacrifice, or accord. to Benfey 2, 307 process, comes from kri facere, and in Latin, facere (agnis, vitula, Virg. ecl. 3, 77) and operari were used of the sacred act of sacrifice; so in Grk, rezein = erdein, Bæot. reddein of offering the hecatomb, and erdein is ergein, our wirken, work, epirrezein Od. 17, 211. quein, rezein, dran, Athenæus 5, 403, as drai for quein, so drasij = qusia. The Catholic priest also uses conficere, perficere for consecrare (Cæsar. heisterbac. 9, 27); compare the 'aliquid plus novi facere' in Burcard of Worms 10, 16 and p. 193. The Lat. agere signified the slaughtering of the victim.

                26. Sühn-opfer, strictly, conciliatory offerings; but as these were generally identical with Sünd-opfer, sin-offerings, I have used the latter expression, as short and familiar.


                27. RA. 245. 745. 821-5.

                28. Lasaulx die stihnopfer der Griechen u. Römer, Würzburg 1841. pp. 8--13.

                29. Adam of Bremen de situ Daniae cap. 24, of the Lithuanians: dracones adorant cum volucribus, quibus etiam vivos litant homines, quos a mercatoribus emunt, diligenter omnino probatos, ne maculam in corpore habeant.

                30. Hence in our own folk-tales, the first to cross the bridge, the first to enter the new building or the country, pays with his life, which meant, falls a sacrifice. Jornandes (Jordanes) cap. 25, of the Huns: ad Scythiam properant, et quantoscunque prius in ingressu Scytharum habuere, litavere Victoriae.

                31. I do not know how compellere can be softened down to 'permitting or expecting'. TRANS.

                32. Inter cetera agrestem caballum aliquantos comedere adjunxisti, plerosque et domesticum. hoc nequaquqam fieri deinceps sinae. And imprimis de volatilibus, id est graculis et corniculis atque ciconiis, quae omnino cavendae sunt ab esu christianorum. etiam et fibri et lepores et equi silvatici multo amplius vitandi. Again, Hieronymus adv. Jov. lib. 2 (ed. basil. 1553. 2, 75) Sarmatae, Quadi, Vandali et innumerabiles aliae gentes equorum et vulpium carnibus delectantur. Otto frising. 6, 10. audiat, quod Pecenati (the wild Peschenære, Nib. 1280, 2) et hi qui Falones vocantur (the Valwen, Nob. 1279, 2. Tit. 4097), crudis et immundis carnibus, utpote equinis et catinis usque hodie vescuntur. Rol. 98, 20 of the heathen: sie ezzent diu ros. Witches also are charged with eating horseflesh (see Suppl.).

                33. Also in that passage of Jornandes about Mars: huic truncis suspendebantur exuviae.

                34. Gregory the Great (epist. 7, 5) admonishes Brunichild to take precautions with her Franks, 'ut de animalium capitibus sacrificia sacrilega non exhibeant.'

                35. Sêlon for Sêlond, ON. Sælundr. afterwards Sioland, Seeland, i.e., Zealand. Lêderûn, the Sax. dat. of Lêdera, ON. Hleiðra, afterwards Lêthra, Leire; conf. Goth. hleiþra tabernaculum.

                36. With Sigurðr servants and hawks are burnt, Sæm. 225; elsewhere horses and dogs as well, conf. RA. 344. Asvitus, morbo consumptus, cum cane et equo terreno mandatur antro; Saxo gram. p. 91, who misinterprets, as though the dead man fed upon them: nec contentus equi vel canis esu, p. 92. 

                37. 'Pro accipitribus' means, that in default of hawks, cocks were used. Some have taken it, as though dogs and cocks were sacrificed to deified birds of prey. But the 'pro' is unmistakable.

                38. Conf. Bopp's Nalas and Damajanti, p. 42, 268. The Hyperboreans sacrificed asses to Apollo; Pindar Pyth. 10. Callimach.French 187. Anton. Liberal. metam. 20. The same was done at Delphi; Böckh corp. inscr. I, 807, 809. In a Mod. Greek poem Gadaron, lukon kai alwponj dihghsij vv. 429-434, a similar offering seems to be spoken of; and Hagek's böhm. chron. p. 62 gives an instance among the Slavs. That, I suppose, is why the Silesians are called ass-eaters (Zeitvertreiber 1668, p. 153); and if the Göttingers receive the same nickname, these popular jokes must be very old in Germany itself (see Suppl.).

                39. Berlin. monatschr. 1802. 8, 225. conf. Lucas David 1, 118-122.

                40. In many districts of Germany and France, the butchers at a set time of the year lead through the streets a fatted ox decked with flowers and ribbons, accompanied by drum and fife, and collect drink-money. In Holland they call the ox belder, and hang gilded apples on his horns, while a butcher walks in front with the axe (beil). All this seems a relic of some old sacrificial rite.

                41. Ducange sub v. Eccard French or. 2, 677. Dorows denkm. I. 2, 55. Lacom blet 1, 327. Graff 3, 833. Schmeller wtb. 1, 619.

                42. Gutgesells beitr. zur gesch. des deutschen alterthums, Meiningen 1834, p. 138.

                43. This passage from the Lauterb. ordin. I can now match by another from those of Vinkbuch in the Alamann country. It says 1, 436: the provost shall pick out in the convent a swine worth 7 schilling pfennig, and as soon as harvest begins, let it into the convent crew yard, where it must be allowed generous fare and free access to the corn; there it is left till the Thursday after St. Adolf's day, when it is slaughtered and divided, half to the farm-bailiff, half to the parish.

The price of seven shillings tallies with the seven and a half fixed by the Lauterb. ordin., and is a high one, far exceeding the ordinary value (conf. Gött. anz. 1827, pp. 336-7); it was an arrangement long continued and often employed in these ordinances, and one well suited to a best selected for sacrifice. The Lauterbach goldferch, like that of Vinkbuch, is doled out and consumed at a festive meal; the assize itself is named after it (3, 370); at Vinkbuch the heathenish name only has been forgotten or suppressed. Assuredly such assize-feasts were held in other parts of Germany too. St. Adolf was a bishop of Strasburg, his day falls on August 29 or 30 (Conr. v. Dankr. namenb. p. 117), and the assize therefore in the beginning of September. Swine are slaughtered for the household when winter sets in, in Nov. or Dec.; and as both of these by turns are called schlachtmonat, there might linger in this also a reference to a heathen sacrifice; an AS. name for Nov. is expressly blôtmoneð. The common man at his yearly slaughtering gets up a feast, and sends meat and sausages to his neighbors (conf. mäuchli, Stalder 2, 525), which may be a survival of the common sacrifice and distribution of flesh. It is remarkable that in Servia (Serbia?) too, at the solemn burning of the badnyak, which is exactly like the yule-log (ch. XX, Fires), a whole swine is roasted, and often a sucking pig along with it; Vuk's Montenegro, pp. 103-4.

                44. Or will any one trace this incident in the Reynard to the words of the Vulgate in Matt. 22, 4: tauri mei et altilia occisa sunt, venite ad nuptias; which merely describe the preparations for the wedding-feast? Any hint about males is just what the passage lacks.

                45. The Greeks offered male animals to gods, female to goddesses, Il. 3, 103: a white male lamb to Helios (sun), a black ewe lamb to Gê (earth). The Lithuanians sacrificed to their earth god Zemiennik utriusque sexus domestica animalia; Haupt's zeitschr. 1, 141.

                46. Reyscher and Wilda zeitschr. für deutsches recht 5, 17, 18.

                47. RA. 261. 594. Weisth. 3, 41. 46. 69. conf. Virg. Aen. 8, 82: candida cum fætu concolor albo sus; and the Umbrian: trif apruf rufru ute peiu (tres apros rubros aut piceos), Aufrecht und Kirchh. umbr. sprachd. 2, 278-9.

                48. RA. 587. 667. Weisth. 1, 498. 3, 430. White animals hateful to the gods; Tettan and Temme preuss. sag. 42.

                49. Neue mitth. des thür. sächs. vereins V. 2, 131, conf. II. 10, 292. Od. 3, 382: soi d au egw boun hnin, eurumetwpon, admhthn, hn oupw upo zugon hgagen anhr. thn toi egw rexw, cruson kerasin periceuaj.

                50. Oc eingu skyldi tortýna hvarki fê ne mönnum, nema sialft gengi î burt. Eyrb. saga, p. 10. And none should they kill (tortima?) neither beast nor man, unless of itself it ran a-tilt.

                51. Saga Hâkonar gôða, cap. 16. Eyrb. saga p. 10. rauð hörgin, reddened the (stone) altar, Fornald. sög. 1, 413. stalla lâta rioða blôði, 1, 454. 527. Sæm. 114 rioðuðu blôðinu blôttrê, Fornald. sög. 1, 512. the Grk aima tw bwmw periceein.conf. Exod. 24, 8.

                52. 'They say the Cimbri had this custom, that their women marching with them were accompanied by priestess-prophetesses, gray-haired, white-robed, with a linen scarf buckled over the shoulder, wearing a brazen girdle, and bare-footed; these met the prisoners in the camp, sword in hand, and having crowned them, led them to a brass basin as large as 30 amphoræ (180 gals); and they had a ladder, which the priestess mounted, and standing over the basin, cut the throat of each as he was handed up. With the blood that gushed into the basin, they made a prophecy.'

                53. The trolds (trolls?) too, a kind of elves, have a copper kettle in the Norw. saga, Faye 11; the christians long believed in a Saturni dolium, and in a large cauldron in hell (chaudière, Méon 3, 284-5) [in : De Saint Pierre et du jougleur, “En la chaudiere furent mis.” *** In the boiler they were put. ***]  .


                54. They also ate the strong broth and the fat swimming at the top. The heathen offer their king Hâkon, on his refusing the flesh, drecka soðit and eta flotit; Saga Hâkonar gôða cap. 18. conf. Fornm. sög. 10, 381.

                55. glwssa kai koilia (tongue and entrails) iereiou diapepragmenou, Plutarch, Phoc. 1. glwssaj tamnein and en puri ballein, Od. 3, 332. 341. conf. De linguæ usu in sacrificiis, Nitzsch ad Hom. Od. I, 207. In the folk-tales, whoever has to kill a man or beast, is told to bring in proof the tongue or heart, apparently as being eminent portions.

                56. Slav. pàliti obièt, to kindle an offering, Königinh. hs. 98.

                57. Bragur VI, 1, 126.

                58. Otmars vokssagen, pp. 128-9. What is told of the origin of the custom seems to be fiction.

                59. Wigands archiv 6, 317.

                60. Wigands archiv 6, 318. Casselsches wochenbl. 1815, p. 928.

                61. Beside cattle and grain, other valuables were offered to particular gods and in special cases, as even in christian times voyagers at sea e.g., would vow a silver ship to their church as a votive gift; in Swedish folk-songs, offra en gryta af malm (vessel of metal). Arvidss. 2, 116; en gryta af blankaste malm (of silver) Ahlqvists Öland II. 1, 214; also articles of clothing, e.g. red shoes.

                62. In the Teut. languages I know of no technical term like the Gk. spendw, leibw. Lat. libo, for drink-offerings (see Suppl.).

                63. The 12th cent. poem Von dem gelouben 1001 says of the institution of the Lord's Supper, whose cup is also a drink of rememberance to Christians: den cof nam er mit dem wine, unde segente darinne ein vil guote minne. Conf. loving cup, Thom's Anecd. 82.

                64. Thomasius de poculo S. Johannis vulgo Johannistrunk, Lips. 1675. Scheffers Haltaus p. 165. Oberlin s. vb. Johannis minn und trunk. Schmeller 2, 593. Hannov. mag. 1830, 171-6. Ledeburs archiv 2, 189. On Gertrude espec., Huyd. op St. 2, 343-5. Clignett's bidr. 392-411. Hoffm. horae belg. 2, 41-8. Antiqvariske annaler 1, 313. Hanka's Bohem. glosses 79 132 render Johannis amor by swatá mina (holy m.). And in that Slovenic document, the Freysinger MS. (Kopitar's Glagolita xxxvii, conf. xliii) is the combination: da klanyamse, i modlimse, im i tchesti ich piyem, i obieti nashe im nesem (ut genuflectamus et precemur eis et honores eorum bibamus et obligationes nostras illis feramus); tchest is honor, timh, cultus, our old êra; but I also find slava (fame, glory) used in the sense of minne, and in a Servian song (Vuk, 1 no. 94) wine is drunk 'za slave bozhye' to the glory of God. In the Finnish mythology is mentioned an Ukkon malja, bowl of Ukko; malja = Swed. skål, strictly scutella, potatio in memoriam vel sanitatem.

                65. epemyan tw Sebastw dwron ton ierwtaton par autoij lebhra, the most sacred cauldron they had, Strabo VII. 2.

                66. Baking in the shape of a boar must have been much more widely spread than in the North alone, see below, Frô's boar; even in France they baked cochelins for New Year's day, Mem. de l'ac. celt. 4, 429.




                p. 29. ) For veneration of a deity the AS. has both weorðscipe reverentia, dignitas, and weorðung; the Engl. worship, strictly a noun, has become also a verb = weorðian. The christian teachers represented the old worship as diobules gelp inti zierida (pompa). In Isidore 21, 21. 55, 5 aerlôs stands for impius. Beside the honouring of God, we find 'das Meien êre,' Ms. 2, 32b, and 'duvels êre, Rose 11200. D. Sag. 71. Gote dienen, Nib. 787, 1. er forchte (feared) den Heilant, Roth 4415. Heartfelt devotion is expr. by 'mit inneclîchen muote,' Barl. 187, 16. andachtlîche 187, 36. 14. mit dem inneren gebete. die andâht fuor zum gibel aus, Wolkenst. p. 24.

                p. 29. ) Among most nations, the Chinese being an exception worship finds utterance in prayer and sacrifice, in solemn transactions that give rise to festivals and high tides, which ought to be more fully described further on. Prayer and sacrifice do not always go together: betra er ôbedit enn se ofblôtit (al. ôblôtit), Sæm. 28b. The Chinese do not pray, and certainly, if God has no body and no speech, we cannot attribute an ear or hearing to him, conseq. no hearing of prayer. Besides, an almighty God must understand thoughts as easily as words. Prayers, the utterance of petition, gratitude and joy, arose in heathenism, and presuppose a divine form that hears. Odysseus prays to Athena: kluqi meu, nun dh per men akouson, epei paroj oupot akousaj raiomenou, Od. 6, 325. 13, 356. kluqi, anax 5, 445. Il. 16, 514; Poseidon and Apollo are addressed with the same formula. Gods are greeted through other gods: Veneri dicito multam meis verbis salutem, Plaut. Pœn. i. 2, 195. But, besides praying aloud, we also read of soft muttering, as in speaking a spell, Lasicz 48. qrhskeuein is supposed to mean praying half aloud, Creuzer 2, 285. Latin precari (conf. procus), Umbr. persnî (Aufrecht and Kirchhoff 2, 28. 167) answers to OHG. fergôn poscere, precari, N. Cap. 153, Sanskr. prach, Zend. perec. 'tases persnimu,' tacitus precare, pray silently, 'kutef persnimu,' caute precare, A. and K. 2, 168-9. 170. Sanskr. jap = submissa voce dicere, praesertim preces, Bopp. 135a; conf. jalp loqui, Lith. kalbu: faveas mihi, murmure dixit, Ov. Met. 6, 327 (p. 1224). ''ebete käuen,' chewing prayers, occurs in Bronner's Life 1, 475; 'stille gebete thauen,' distil, in Gessner's Works (Zurich 1770) 2, 133. 'gebet vrumen,' put forth, Gudr. 1133, 1. beten und himelspreken, Gefken beil. 116. daz gebet ist ein süezer bote (messenger) ze himele, Ernst 20. Or, prayer resounds: daz dîn bete erklinge, Walth. 7, 35. precibus deum pulsare opimis, Ermold. Nigell. 2, 273. Prayer gushes out, is poured out: alse daz gebet irgie, Ksrchr. 2172. M. Neth. gebed utstorten, Soester fehde p. 597; now, bede storten, preces fundere, like tranen st., lacrimas fundere. gepet ausgiessen, MB. 27, 353.

                p. 29. ) Other words for praying: Grk. deomai I need, I ask, iketeuw and lissomai beseech. ON. heita â einn, vovere sub conditione contingenti: hêt â Thôr, vowed, Oldn. läseb. 7 (conf. giving oneself to a partic. god, Oðinn, p. 1018-9). OHG. harên clamare, anaharên invocare, N. Boëth. 146. OS. grôtian God, Hel. 144, 24. 145, 5. Does proskunew come from kunew I kiss (as adoro from os oris, whence osculum), and is it conn. with the hand-kissing with which the Greeks worshipped the sun; thn ceira kusantej, Lucian 5, 133; or from kuwn? conf. proskunej, fawning flatterers, Athen. 6, 259, see Pott's Zählmeth. 255. Aspazesqai is also used of dogs fawning upon a master.

                p. 30. ) A suppliant is not only bëtoman in OHG., but beteman in MHG. Hartm. büchl. 1, 263. Prayer, our gebet, is a fem. bete: mîne flêhe und mîne bete, die wil ich êrste senden mit herzen und mit henden, Trist. 123, 22 (praying with hands, folded?). The MHG. bëten is always joined with an, as prepos. or prefix: an welchen got er baete, Servat. 1347. ein kreftige stat, dô man diu apgot anebat, Karl 10a. Is it used only of false gods? conf. Pfeiffer's Barl. p. 446.

                p. 30.) The MHG. flêhen supplicare takes the Dative: deme heiligin Geiste vlên, Wernh. v. Nioder-rh. 37, 17, etc. But with the Accus.: den tôren flêhen, Freid. 83, 3. alle herren flêhen, Walther 28, 33. fleha ze himele frumen, N. Boeth. 271; conf. 'gebet vrumen' above. Eucesqai also takes a Dat.: Dii, Od. 20, 97. Aqhnh 2, 261. Poseidawni 3, 43. epeucesqai Artemidi 20, 60; conf. euch (or en eucaij, en logoij) presbeuein, froimiazomai Æsch. Eum. 1. 20. 21.

                p. 31.) Can Goth. aíhtrôn and OHG. eiscôn be from the aigan, and mean wish to have? OHG. diccan occurs in MHG. too: digete gein Gote, Altd. bl. 2, 149. an in gediget, prays, Kdh. Jesu 91, 4. underdige supplicatio, Serv. 3445.

                p. 31.) Postures in prayer. Standing: diu stêt an ir gebete in der kapellen hie bî, Iw. 5886. an daz gebet stân, Zappert p. 23. Bowing: diofo ginigen, bend low, O. iii. 3, 28. sîn nîgen er gein himel gap, made his bow, Parz. 392, 30. Hagen bows to the merwomen, Nib. 1479, 1. As the road is kindly saluted, so contrariwise: ich wil dem wege iemer-mêre sîn vîent swâ dû hin gâst, be foe to every way thou goest, Amur 2347. The Finnic kumarran, bending, worship, is done to the road (tielle), moon (kuulle), sun (päiwällä), Kalew. 8, 103. 123. 145. diu bein biegen = pray, Cod. Vind. 159 no. 35. On kneeling, bending, conf. Zapp. p. 39. ze gebete gevie, Ksrchr. 6051. ze Gote er sîn gebete lac, Pantal. 1582. er viel an sîn gebet, Troj. kr. 27224. viel in die bede, int gebede, Maerl. 2, 209. 3, 247. dô hup er ane zu veniende: wo ime daz houbit lac, dô satzte her di fuze hin, Myst. 1, 218. legde hleor on eorðan, Cædm. 140, 32. Swed. bönfalla, to kneel in prayer. During a sacrifice they fell to the ground riptontej ej wdaj, Athen. p. 511. The Ests crawl bareheaded to the altar, Estn. verh. 2, 40. Other customs: the Indians danced to the Sun, Lucian, ed. Lehm. 5, 130. Roman women, barefoot, with dishevelled hair, prayed Jupiter for rain. The hands of gods are kissed, conf. proskunein. In contrast with looking up to the gods, anw bleyaj, Moschus epigr., the eyes are turned away from sacred objects. Odysseus, after landing, is to throw back into the sea, with averted look, the krhdemnon lent to him by Ino, aponosfi trapesqai, Od. 5, 350. tarbhsaj d eterwse bal ommata, mh qeoj eih, 16, 179.

                p. 32.) Uncovering the head: huic capite velato, illi sacrificandum est nudo, Arnob. 3, 43. pilleis capitibus inclinarent detractis, Eckehardus A.D. 890 (Pertz 2, 84). tuot ûwere kugelen abe, und bitit Got, Myst. 1, 83, 25. son chapel oste, Ren. 9873; conf.'s chäppli lüpfe, Hebel 213. helme und ouch diu hüetelîn diu wurden schiere ab genomen, Lanz. 6838. sînen helm er abe bant (unbound), und sturzt' in ûf des schildes rant; des hüetels wart sîn houbet blôz, wan sîn zuht war vil grôz, Er. 8963. In 1 Cor. 11, 4. 5, a man is to pray and prophesy with covered head, a woman with uncovered, see Vater's note. Penance is done standing naked in water, G. Ab. 1, 7; conf. Pref. lxx. The monk at early morn goes to the Danube to draw water, wash and pray, Vuk ii. 7, beg. of Naod Simeun. The Greeks went to the seashore to pray: Thlemacoj d apaneuqe kiwn epi qina qalasshj, Od. 2, 260. bh d akewn para qina  .... apaneuqe kiwn hraq o geraioj Apollwni anakti, Il. i. 34.

                p. 33. ) Arsenius prays with uplifted hands from sunset to sunrise, Maerl. 3, 197. in crucis modum coram altari se sternere, Pertz 8, 258; conf. ordeal of cross. Praying 'mit zertânen armen, zertrenten armen, Zellw. urk. no. 1029. 775. Hands are washed before praying: ceiraj viyamenoj polihj aloj, in the hoary sea, Od. 2, 261. 12, 336. Helgafell, þângat skyldi engi maðr ôþveginn (unwashen) lîta, Landn. 2, 12.

                p. 33. ) Carij, gratia, is also translated anst. Goth. anstái audahafta, gratia plena! OHG. fol Gotes ensti, O. i. 5, 18. enstio fol, Hel. 8, 8; conf. 'gebôno fullu' in Tat., and AS. mid gife gefylled. For ginâda Otfried uses a word peculiar to himself, êragrehti, Graff 2, 412. The cuneif. inscr. have constantly: 'Auramazdâ miya upastám abara,' Oromasdes mihi opem ferebat; 'vashnâ Auramazdaha,' gratiâ Oromasdis.

                p. 34. ) Other ON. expressions for prayer: blôtaði Oðinn, ok biðr hann lîta â sitt mâl, Hervar. saga. c. 15. ôreiðom augom lîtið ockr þinnig, ok gefit sitjondom sigr, Sæm. 194a. mâl ok mannvit gefit ockr maerom tveim, ok laeknis-hendur meðan lifom, ibid.

As the purpose of prayer and sacrifice is twofold, so is divine grace either mere favour to the guiltless, or forgiveness of sin, remission of punishment. Observe in Hel. 3, 18: thiggean Herron is huldi, that sie Hevan-cuning lêdes âlêti (ut Deus malum averteret, remitteret), though Luke 1, 10 has merely orare, and O. i. 4, 14 only ginâda beitôta. He is asked to spare, to pity: ilhqi, Od. 3, 380. 16, 184. feideo d hmewn 16, 185. su de ilewj genou, Lucian 5, 292. 'taivu ainomen Tapir,' be entreated, Kalev. 7, 243; conf. tode moi krhhnon eeldwr, Il. 1, 41. Od. 17, 242. (Kl. schr. 2, 458.)

                The Hindu also looks to the East at early morning prayer, hence he calls the South daxa, daxima, the right. In praying to Odin one looks east, to Ulf west, Sv. forns. 1, 69. solem respiciens is said of Boiocalus, Tac. ann. 13, 55. Prayer is directed to the sun, N. pr. bl. 1, 300, and there is no sacrificing after sunset, Geo. 2281. On the other hand, 'Norðr horfa dyr' occurs in Sæm. 7b. Jötunheimr lies to the North, Rask afh. 1, 83. 94. D. Sag. 981-2.

                p. 35n. ) Mock-piety: wolt ir den heiligen die zehen (toes) abbeissen? Bronner 1, 295. alle heiligen fressen wollen, Elis. v. Orl. 251. götze-schlecker, Stald. 1, 467. In thieves' lingo a Catholic is tolefresser, bilderfresser, Thiele 317a. magliavutts, götzenfresser, Carisch 182b. Whence comes Ital. bachettone? conf. bigot, Sp. beato. die alte tempeltrete, Spil v. d. 10 jungfr. in Steph. 175. du rechte renne umme id olter, you regular Run-round-the-altar, Mone schausp. 2, 99. frömmchen, as early as Er. Alberus Praec. vitae ac mor. 1562, p. 90a.

                p. 35. ) On Sacrifice, conf. Creuzer symb. 1, 171. 'opphir = vota,' Gl. Sletst. 6, 672. Gifts = sacrifices, p. 58. si brâhten ir obfer und antheiz, Diemer 179, 25. In Latin the most general phrase is rem divinam facere = sacrificare; we also find commovere, obmovere, Aufr. u. Kirchh. 2, 165. Victima, the greater sacrifice, is opposed to hostia, the less, Fronto p. 286. To 'oblationes für allen gebilden (before the statues and shrines), ut tenor est fundationis, cedens pastori' (found. at Rüden, Westph. 1421, Seibertz Quellen d. Westf. gesch. 1, 232) answers the Germ. wîsunga visitatio, oblatio, Graff 1, 1068, from wîsôn, visitare. wîsod = oblei, visitatio, Schmeller 4, 180. The Swiss now say wîsen for praying at the tombs of the dead, Stald. 2, 455.

                p. 35. ) On blôt, blôstr see Bopp's Comp. Gr. 1146. Goth. Guþ blôtan, Deum colere, 1 Tim. 2, 10. In ON., beside gods' sacrifices, there are âlfa blôt, p. 448, dîsa blôt, p. 402 (and we may add the blôt-risi on p. 557). blôt-haug and stôrblôt, Fornm. sög. 5, 164-5. sleikja blôt-bolla, Fagrsk. p. 63. A proper name Blôtmâr, acc. Blôtmâ (-mew, the bird), Landn. 3, 11 seems to mean larus sacrificator, = the remarkable epithet blotevogel, A.D. 1465, Osnabr. ver. 2, 223; or is it simply 'naked bird'? conf. spottvogel, speivogel, wehvogel (gallows-bird, etc.). ON. blôtvargr = prone to curse, for blôta is not only consecrate, but execrate.

                p. 37n. ) Mit der blotzen haun, H. Sachs iii. 3, 58c. eine breite blötze, Chr. Weise, Drei erzn. 194. der weidplotz, hunting knife, plötzer, Vilmar in Hess. Ztschr. 4, 86. die bluote, old knife, Woeste.

                p. 37. ) Antheiz a vow, but also a vowed sacrifice, as when the Germans promised to sacrifice if they conquered, Tac. Ann. 13, 57, or as the Romans used to vow a ver sacrum, all the births of that spring, the cattle being sacrificed 20 years after, and the youth sent abroad, Nieb. 1, 102. ir obfer unde antheiz, Diemer 179, 25. gehêton wîg-weorðunga, Beow. 350. aerþon hine deáð onsægde, priusquam mors eum sacrificaret, Cod. Exon. 171, 32; conf. MHG. iuwer lîp ist ungeseit, afatoj, Neidh. 47, 17. What means OHG. frêhtan? (frêhan? frech, freak?). N. Boeth. 226 says of Iphigenia: dia Chalchas in friskinges wîs frêhta (Graff 3, 818); conf. ON. frêtt vaticinium, divinatio (Suppl. to p. 94), and AS. 'on blôte oððe on fyrhte,' Schmid 272, 368, where fear or fright is out of the question.

p. 38. ) AS. cweman, also with Dat., comes near fullafahjan: 'onsecgan and godum cweman,' diis satisfacere, Cod. Exon. 257, 25. Criste cweman leofran lâce 120, 25. Like AS. bring is OHG. antfangida, victima, Diut. 1, 240. What is offered and accepted lies: Theocr. epigr. 1, 2 uses keisqai of consecrated gifts.

                p. 39. ) To AS. lâc add lâcan offerre, conf. placare. lâc onsecgan, Cod. Exon. 257, 30. lâc xenium, donum, lâcdaed munificentia, Haupt's Ztschr. 9, 496a.

                p. 39. ) On aparcai conf. Pausan. 1, 31. Callimach. hy. in Del. 279. Another definite term for sacrifice seems to be the obscure Goth. daigs, massa, Rom. 11, 16 (is it not dought, teig, a lit. transl. of furama?) Wizôt survived in MHG. too: frône wizôt, Servat. 3337. Massmann derives hunsl from hinþan; Kuhn in Berl. Jb. 10, 192-5, 285 from hu to pour, which = quein acc. to Bopp 401. hunsljada spendomai 2 Tim. 4, 6. unhunslags aspondoj 3, 3. ufsneiþan = quien, kill, Luke xv. 23-7. 30, and ufsniþans immolatus, 1 Cor. 5, 7 plainly refer to cutting up the victim. Hunsaloa in the Ecbasis may be either hunsal-aha (-water) or huns-alah (-temple), Lat. ged. p. 289. 290.

                O. Slav. treba = libatio, res immolata, templum; trebishche bwmoj. 'qui idolothyta, quod trebo dicitur, vel obtulerit aut manducaverit,' Amann Cod. mss. Frib. fasc. 2, p. 64. O. Boh. treba, Russ. treba, sacrifice. O. Sl. trebiti, Pol. trzebic, Serv. triebiti, purify; conf. the place-name Trebbin, Jungm. 4, 625b. Pol. trzeba, potrzeba, oportet, it is needful. Serv. potreba, Boh. potreba, need; conf. Lith. Potrimpus and Antrimp, Atrimp, Hanusch 216-7. D. Sag. 328. Sacrifice is in Lett. sobars, Bergm. 142; in Hung. aldomás, Ipolyi 341.

                p. 40. ) The right to emend áibr into tibr is disputed by Weigand 1997; conf. Diefenbach's Goth. wtb. 1, 12. On tefra see my Kl. Schr. 2, 223; Umbr. tefro n. is some unknown part of the victim, Aufrecht u. K. 2, 294. 373. May we connect the Lett. sobars, plague-offering? Some would bring in the LG. zefer (= käfer), see Campe under 'ziefer,' and Schmell. 4, 228; conf. OHG. arzibôr, Graff 5, 578, and ceepurhuc, n. prop. in Karajan. Keisersb., brös. 80b, speaks of ungesuber; we also find unzuter vermin, conf. unâz, uneatable, i.e. vermin, Mone 8, 409. The Grail tolerates no ungezibere in the forest, Tit. 5198. The wolf is euphemistically called ungeziefer, Rockenphil. 2, 28. The geziefer in the pastures of Tyrol are sheep and goats, Hammerle p. 4.

                With OHG. wîhan, to sacrifice, conf. the AS. wig-weorðung above, and Lith. weikiu, ago, facio, Finn. waikutan.

                p. 41. ) The diversity of sacrifices is proved by Pertz 2, 243, diversos sacrificandi ritus incoluerunt; and even by Tac. Germ. 9: deorum maxime Mercurium colunt, cui certis diebus humanis quoque hostiis litare fas habent. Herculem ac Martem concessis animalibus placant. pars Suevorum et Isidi sacrificat.

                To a sacrifice the god is invited, is asked to join: kaleei ton qeon, Herod. 1, 132. epikaleei t. q. 4, 60. epikalesantej t. q. sfazousi 2, 39. The gods are present at it, Athen. 3, 340-1. Why bones are offered to the gods, Hes. theog. 557. primitiae ciborum deo offerenda, Athen. 2, 213. The rising smoke and steam are pleasing to gods, Lucian's Prometh. 19. ek de qumatwn Hfaistoj ouk elampe, Soph. Antig. 1007. Men strengthen the gods by sacrifice, Haupt's Ztschr. 6, 125. They sacrifice to Wêda (Wodan), crying: 'Wedki taeri!' dear Weda, consume! accept our offering, Schl.-Holst. landeskunde 4, 246. The god gives a sign that he accepts: þâ kômu þar hrafnar fljugandi ok gullu hâtt, as a sign 'at Oðinn mundi þegit hafa blôtit,' Fornm. sög. 1, 131.

                p. 42. ) Part of the spoils of war given to the God of the Christians, Livl. Reimchr. 2670-73. 3398 to 3401. 6089. 4696. 11785. 11915. 'brünien, pfert und rische man' are to be burnt in case of victory 4700. 4711. If victima is from vinco, it must have been orig. a sacrifice for victory. ON. sigur-giöf, victim. The ehren-gang in Müllenh. Schl.-Holst. s., p. 108 was once prob. the same.

                p. 42. ) In expiatory offerings the idea is, that the wrath of God falls on the victim: clearly so in the scapegoat, Levit. 16. 20. Griesh. pred. 2, 119; conf. Grimm on the A. Heinr. p. 160. Also in the plague-offering at Massilia, Petron. c. 141.

                p. 42. ) Forecasting the future by sacrifice: ante pugnam miserabiliter idolis immolavit (Decius), Jorn. c. 18.

                p. 42. ) Sacrif. til ârs also in Fornm. sög. 10, 212: sîðan gerði uaran mikit ok hallaeri, var þâ þat râð tekit at þeir blôtuðu Olaf konung til ârs ser. With Hâlfdan's sacrifice conf. the ekatomfonia offered by him who had slain 100 foes, Pausan. iv. 19, 2.

                p. 44. ) Human Sacrifice seems to have been an ancient practice in most nations, as well as the burning of live men with the dead. On the other hand, capital punishments were unknown or rare. Hercules, ad quem Poeni omnibus annis humana sacrificaverunt victima, Pliny 36, 5. Men were sacrif. to Artemis, Paus. 7, 19; to the playing of flutes, Aufr. u. K.'s Umbr. Sprachd. 2, 377. In lieu of it, youths were touched on the forehead with a bloody knife, O. Jahn on Lycoreus 427; conf. the red string on the neck in the 'Amicus and Amelius.' God, as Death, as old blood-shedder (p. 21), asks human victims. Hence they are promised in sickness and danger, for the gods will only accept a life for life, Gesta Trevir. cap. 17, from Cæs. B. Gall. 6, 16. For sacrificing a man on horseback, see Lindenbl. 68. Adam of Bremen (Pertz. 9, 374) says of the Ests: 'dracones adorant cum volucribes, quibus etiam vivos litant homines, quos a mercatoribus emunt, diligenter omnino probatos ne maculam in corpore habeant, pro qua refutari dicuntur a draconibus.' While a slave-caravan crosses a river, the Abyssinians, like the Old Franks, make the gods a thank and sin offering of the prettiest girl, Klöden's Beitr. 49. In spring a live child is sacrificed on the funeral pile, Dybeck's Runa 1844, 5: î þann tîma kom hallaeri mikit â Reiðgotaland. enn svâ gêck frêttin, at aldri mundi âr fyrri koma, enn þeim sveini vaeri blôtat, er aeðstr vaeri þar î landi, Hervar. saga p. 452, conf. 454. On the two Gallehus horns is pictured a man holding a child-victim. Saxo, ed. Müller 121, says of Frö at Upsala: 'humani generis hostias mactare aggressus, foeda superis libamenta persolvit;' he changed the veterem libationis morem. To the 'sacrare aciem' in Tac. Ann. 13, 57 (p. 1046n.) answers the ON. val fela, Hervar. s. 454. Traces of Child-sacrifice especially in witch-stories (p. 1081), such as tearing out and eating the heart. Bones collected and offered up, conf. the tale of the good Lubbe p. 526, and the villa of Opferbein now Opferbaum near Würzburg, see Lang's reg. 3, 101 (year 1257). 4, 291 (year 1285).

                p. 46. ) An animal sacrifice was expiatory when offered to the invading plague, p. 610. 1142. Only edible beasts sacrificed: 'cur non eis et canes, ursos et vulpes mactatis? quia rebus ex his deos par est honorare coelestes, quibus ipsi alimur, et quas nobis ad victum sui numinis benignitate dignati sunt,' Arnob. 7, 16. On dog-sacrifice see p. 53. The colour and sex of an animal were important (p. 54), conf. Arnob. 7, 18-20; and in a female, whether she was breeding 7, 22; whether it had hair or bristles (p. 75), conf. 'dem junker, der sich auf dem fronhof lagert, soll man geben als off der hube gewassen (grown) ist mit federn, mit borsten,' Weisth. 3, 478. In buying it, one must not bargain, Athen. 3, 102. The skin was hung up and shot at, p. 650.

                p. 46. ) The people by eating became partakers in the sacrifice, conf. 1, Cor. 10, 18: ouci oi esqiontej taj qusiaj koinwnoi tou qusiasthriou eisi; p. 41.

                p. 47. ) On sacrificing Horses (p. 664) and its origin, see Bopp's Gl. 24a, asvamêdha; conf. Feifalik on the Königinh. MS. 103. Tyndareus made Helen's wooers swear on the sacrif. horse, and then bury it, Paus. iii. 20, 9. Horses sacrif. by Greeks to Helios ib. 5, Ov. Fasti 1, 385; by Massagetæ to the Sun, Herod. 1, 216. White horses thrown into the Strymon 7, 113. Illi (Moesi) statim ante aciem immolato equo concepere votum, ut caesorum extis ducum et litarent et vescerentur, Florus 116, 21. May the Goth. aíhvatundi, batoj, refer to sacrifice? and was the horse burnt with thorn-bushes, or was the fire kindled by rubbing with them?

                The ora in the passage from Tacitus might mean men's heads, yet conf. p. 659. It has yet to be determined how far the bodies, horses and arms of the conquered were offered to gods. To dedicate the wîcges-erwe, spoils (Diemer 179, 27), seems Biblical. Shields and swords offered up to Mars, Ksrchr. 3730. The Serbs presented the weapons of slain enemies, Vuk Kralodw. 88.

                p. 47 n. ) Horseflesh eaten by witches (p. 1049); by giants, Müllenh. 444. Foals eaten, Ettn. unw. doctor 338-40. The Wild Hunter throws down legs of horse, Schwartz p. 11. Plica Polonica attributed to eating horseflesh, Cichocki p. 7.

                p. 49 n.) Asses sacrificed by the Slavs, Büsching 101-2. Cosmas speaks of an ass being cut into small pieces; see Vuk's pref. to Kralodw. 9. Ass-eaters, Rochholz 2, 267. 271. Those of Oudenaerde are called kickefreters, chicken-munchers, Belg. Mus. 5, 440.

                p. 49. ) Oxen were favourite victims among the Greeks and Romans: toi d epi qini qalasshj iera rezon taurouj pammelanaj Enosicqoni kuanocaith, Od. 3, 5; namely, nine bulls before each of the nine seats 3, 7. Twelve bulls sacrificed to Poseidon 13, 182. To Athena rexw boun hnin eurumetwpon admhthn, hn oupw upo zugon hgagen anhr. thn toi egw rexw, cruson kerasin periceuaj 3, 382; conf. 426. 437, auratis cornibus hostiae immolatae, Pliny 33. 3, 12. Perseus offers on three altars an ox, cow and calf, Ov. Met. 4, 755. bovem album Marti immolare et centum fulvos, Pliny 22, 5. niveos tauros immolare, Arnob. 2, 68. At the 'holmgang' the victor kills the sacrificial bull, Egils-s. 506-8. rauð hann î nýju nauta blôði, Sæm. 114b. The wise bird demands 'hof, hörga marga, ok gullhyrndar kýr' 141a. In Sweden they still have God's cows; does that mean victims, or priestly dues? A loaf in the shape of a calf is julkuse, Cavallius voc. verl. 28b. 37b. A sacrificial calf, Keller's Altd. erz. 547. The names Farrenberg, Bublemons seem derived from bovine sacrifices, Mone's Anz. 6, 236-7. A cow and calf sacrif. to the plague, p. 610; a black ox with white feet and star, Sommer 150; conf. the cow's head, Wolf's Märch. no. 222. A red cow, kravicu buinu, Königsh. MS. 100; conf. rôte kalbela âne mâl, Griesh. 2, 118 (from Numb. 19, 2). diu róten rinder, Fundgr. 2, 152. Mone in Anz. 6, 237 remarks justly enough, that agricultural nations lean more to bovine sacrifices, warlike nations to equine. Traces of bull-sacrifice, D. Sag. 128-9. 32.

                p. 50. ) To majalis sacrivus answers in the Welsh Laws 'sus coenalis quae servatur ad coenam regis,' Leo Malb. Gl. 1, 83. Varro thinks, 'ab suillo genere pecoris immolandi initium primum sumtum videtur,' Re Rust. 2, 4. porci duo menses a mamma non dijunguntur. porci sacres, puri ad sacrificium ut immolentur. porci lactentes, sacres, delici, nefrendes 2, 4. (Claudius) cum regibus foedus in foro icit, porca caesa, ac vetere fecialium praefatione adhibita, Suet. c. 25. duo victimae porcinae, Seibertz no. 30 (1074). A frischling at five schillings shall stand tied to a pillar, Krotzenb. w., yr 1415 (Weisth. 3, 513). The gras-frischling in Urbar. Aug., yr 1316, seems to mean a sheep, MB. 34b, 365. frischig, frischling, a wether, Stald. 1, 399. opferen als einen friskinc, Mos. 19, 8. ein friskinc (ram) dâ bî gie, Diemer 19, 19. With friscing as recens natus conf. sfagai veoqhlou botou, Æsch. Eum. 428. King Heiðrekr has a göltr reared, with 12 judges to look after it, Hervar. saga c. 14 (Fornald. sög. 1, 463); conf. the giafgoltr, Norw. ges. 2, 127.

p. 52. ) Arna melainan exenegkate, Aristoph. Ran. 847. Men sacrif. a ram, and sleep on its hide, Paus. iii. 34, 3. Goats sacrif. to Juno: aigofagoj Hrh 15, 7. Nunc et in umbrosis Fauno decet immolare lucis, seu poscet agno, sive malit haedo, Hor. Od. i. 4, 12; conf. bidental, Suppl. to p. 174. A boy of nine kills a black goat with white legs and star, over the treasure, and sprinkles himself with the blood, Sommer's Sag. p. 140; a goat with golden horns 150-1. 179. 'diu ôsterwîche gêt über dehein geiz' says Helbl. 8, 299; does it mean that only lambs, not goats, are eaten at Easter? A black sheep sacrif. to the devil, Firmenich 1, 206b; a sheep to the dwarf of the Baumann's cave, Gödeke 2, 240. The Prussian goat-hallowing is described by Simon Grunau in 1526, Nesselm. x. Lasicz 54; conf. Tettau and Temme 261. A he-goat sacrif. with strange rites in Esthonia on St. Thomas's day, Possart 172.

                p. 52. ) Dogs sacrif. in Greece, Paus. iii. 14, 9; in Umbria, Auf. und K. 2, 379. To the nickelman a black cock is yearly thrown into the Bode, Haupt 5, 378. Samogits sacrif. cocks to Kirnos, Lasicz 47. When Ests sacrif. a cock, the blood spirts into the fire, the feathers, head, feet and entrails are thrown into the same, the rest is boiled and eaten, Estn. ver. 2, 39. skumnouj pammelanaj skulakwn trissouj iereusaj, Orph. Argon. 962. The bodies or skins of victims hung on trees, p. 75-9. 650. in alta pinu votivi cornua cervi, Ov. Met. 12, 266. incipiam captare feras et reddere pinu cornua, Prop. iii. 2, 19.

                p. 55. ) That the victim should be led round was essential to every kind of lustration, Aufr. u. K.'s Umbr. spr. 2, 263. khrukej d ana astu qewn ierhn ekatombhn hgon, Od. 20. 276.

                p. 55. ) Small sacrificial vessels, which participants brought with them, are indic. in Hâk. goda saga c. 16, conf. 'ask ne eski,' ibid. An altar with a large cauldron found in a grave-mound near Peccatel, Mecklenb., Lisch 11, 369. On the Cimbrian cauldron in Strabo, see Lisch 25, 218. Out of the cavern near Velmede a brewing-cauldron was lent when asked for, Firmenich 1, 334b (so Mother Ludlam's cauldron, now in Frensham Church); old copper kettles of the giants were preserved, Faye 9.

                p. 57. ) Former sacrifices are indicated by the banquets at assizes and after riding the bounds. A victim's flesh was boiled, not roasted, though roasting and boiling are spoken of at the feast of Bacchus, Troj. kr. 16201-99. For distribution among the people the victim was cut up small: the ass, p. 49; the gädda into eight pieces, Sv. folks. 1, 90. 94; Osiris into fourteen pieces, Buns. 1, 508. Before Thor's image in the Guðbrands-dalr were laid every day four loaves of bread and slâtr (killed meat), Fornm. sög. 4, 245-6; conf. Olafssaga, ed. Christ. 26. Gruel and fish are offered to Percht on her day (p. 273); meat and drink to Souls (p. 913n.); the milk of a cow set on the Brownies' stone every Sunday, Hone's Yrbk. 1532.

                p. 57. ) Smoke-offerings were known to the heathen: incense and bones offered to gods, Athen. 2, 73. thus et merum, Arnob. 7, 26. Irish tusga, usga, AS. stôr, thus, stêran, thurificare, Haupt's Ztschr. 9, 513b. At each altar they set 'eine risten flahses, ein wahs-kerzelîn und wîrouches korn,' Diut. 1, 384. Also candles alone seem to have been offered: candles lighted to the devil and river-sprites (p. 1010. 584). Men in distress vow to the saints a taper the size of their body, then of their shin, lastly of their finger, Wall. märch. p. 288; conf. 'Helena (in templo) sacravit calicem ex electro mammae suae mensura,' Pliny 33. 4, 23. The shipwrecked vow a candle as big as the mast, Hist. de la Bastille 4, 315; so in Schimpf u. Ernst c. 403; otherwise a navicula cerea, or an argentea anchora, Pertz 6, 783-4; a 'wechsîn haus' against fire, h. Ludwig 84, 19; or the building of a chapel. Silver ploughs and ships offered (p. 59n. 264n.), D. Sag. 59. Pirates offer a tenth part of their booty, p. 231; conf. entauqa tw naw trihrouj avakeitai calkoun embolon, Paus. i. 40, 4. Stones are carried or thrown on to a grave (otherw. branches, Klemm 3, 294): on Bremund's grave by pilgrims, Karlm. 138. To sacrifice by stone throwing, Wolf, Ztschr. 2, 61; to lay a stone on the herma, Preller 1, 250; a heap of stones lies round the herma, Babr. 48. O. Müller, Arch. §66, thinks these ermaia were raised partly to clear the road. Darius on his Scythian expedition has a cairn raised on the R. Atiscus, every soldier bringing a stone, Herod. 4, 92. Each pilgrim contributes a stone towards building the church, M. Koch, reise p. 422. J. Barrington, Personal Sketches 1, 17-8, tells of an Irish custom: By an ancient custom of everybody throwing a stone on the spot where any celebrated murder had been committed, on a certain day every year, it is wonderful what mounds were raised in numerous places, which no person, but such as were familiar with the customs of the poor creatures, would ever be able to account for. Strips of cloth are hung on the sacred tree, F. Faber 2, 410. 420; the passer-by throws a twig or a rag on the stone, Dybeck 1845, p. 6. 4, 31; or nålar 4, 35; the common folk also put pennies in the stone, 3, 29, and throw bread, money and eggshells into springs 1844, 22. si het ir opfergoldes noch wol tûsent marc, si teilt ez sîner seele, ir vil lieben man, Nib. 1221, 2 (p. 913 n.).

                p. 57. ) Herdsmen offer bloody victims, husbandmen fruits of the earth, D. Sag. 20. 21. ears left standing for Wôdan (p. 154 seq.); a bundle of flax, Wolf's Ndrl. sag. p. 269; for the little woodwife flax-stems or a tiny hut of stalks of flax, Schönw. 2, 360-9. sheaves of straw made for the gods, Garg. 129b. The Greeks offered stalks and ears, Callim. 4, 283; hic placatus erat, seu quis libaverat uvam, seu dederat sanctae spicea serta comae, Tib. i. 10, 21; tender oak-leaves in default of barley, Od. 12, 357. The Indians had grass-offerings, Kuhn rec. d. Rigv. p. 102, as the pixies received a bunch of grass or needles. Firstfruits, qalusia, to Artemis, Il. 9, 534. The flower-offering too is ancient, being one of the Indian five, viz. reading the Vedas, sprinkling water, burning butter, strewing flowers and sprays, hospitality, Holtzm. 3, 123. The Sanskr. sêsa = reliquiae, flores qui deo vel idolo oblati sunt, deinde alicui traduntur; conf. the flower-offering of Sarasvati, Somad. 1, 120-1, and 'Hallows an offering to the clouds, Of kutaja the fairest blossoms,' Meghadûta 4. For Greece, see Theocr. epigr. 1. The offering to 'Venus' is bluomen und vingerlîn, Ksrchr. 3746. In Germany they danced round the first violet, p. 762. The people call a stone in the forest, three miles from Marburg, 'opfer-stein,' and still lay flowers and corn upon it. A rock is crowned with flowers on Mayday, Pröhle's Unterharz no. 347. 263. The country folk on the Lippe, like those about the Meisner, go into the Hollow Stone on Easter-day, Firm. 1, 334; they think of Veleda, as the Hessians do of Holda. The same day the villagers of Waake, Landolfshausen and Mackenrode troop to the Schweckhäuser hills, where an idol formerly stood, Harrys i. no. 4.

                p. 59 n. ) Leibon d aqanatoisi qeoij, Od. 2, 432. oinon ekceon, hd euconto qeoij, Il. 3, 296. Before drinking, they poured some on the ground to the gods 7, 480; whereas the Scythians spilt no wine (Lucian Toxar. 45), and the German heroes drank minne without spilling any, D. Sag. 236-7. poculis aureis memoriae defunctorum commilitonum vino mero libant, Apul. Met. 4 p.m. 131.

                p. 61. ) St. John's and St. Gertrude's minne: later examples in Gödeke's Weim. Jb. 6, 28-9, and Scheller 2, 593. postea dominis amor S. Johannis ministretur, MB. 35a, 138. potum caritatis propinare, Lacomblet 487 (yr. 1183). dar truoc man im sand Johanns minne, Ottoc. 838b. Johannes liebe, J. minne trinken, Weisth. 1, 562-4. trag uns her sant Johans min, Keller erz. 32. si trinkent alsamt sant Hans min 34. In Belgium they said: 'Sinct Jans gelei ende Sinct Gertrous minne sy met u!' Men pray to St. Gertrude for good lodging, Eschenb. denkm. p. 240. In Wolkenstein 114, minne sanct Johans means the parting kiss. A wife says at parting: setz sant Johans ze bürgen (surety) mir, daz wir froelich und schier (soon) zuo einander komen, Ls. 3, 313; conf. drinking the scheidel-kanne, Lüntzel Hildsh. stiftsfehde 80. In ON. 'bad þâ drecka velfarar minni sitt,' Egilss. p. 213. People give each other John's blessing at Christmas, Weisth. 1, 241-3. The two Johns are confounded, not only by Liutpr. (Pertz 3, 363), but in the Lay of Heriger: Johannes baptista pincerna (cupbearer), Lat. ged. des MA. p. 336.

                p. 63. ) On the shapes given to pastry, see p. 501 n. The forms or names of ôster-flade (-pancake), pfadelat (patellata), ôster-stuopha (-scone), p. 781, furiwiz (Graff 1, 1104), are worth studying. Günther 647: 'before this sacred fire thy image now is brought,' reminds one of Voetius's straw figure set before the hearth.

                The Carrying-about of divine images was known to the ancients: Syriam deam per vicos agrosque circumferre, Lucian de dea Syria 49. Lucius cap. 36. circumgestare deam, Apul. p.m. 194-6. The Northmen of Guðbrands-dalr carry Thor's image out of his house into the Thing, set it up, and bow to it, St. Olaf's s., ed. Christ. 23-6. The men of Delbruck carried about a false godHilgerio on a long pole, Weisth. 3, 101 n. May Ulrich of Lichtenstein's progress as Dame Venus be explained as a custom dating from the time of heathen progressions? That also was 'at Pentecost,' from April 25 to May 26, 1227; Whitsunday fell on May 30.

                Here ought to be mentioned the sacred festivals, whose names and dates are discussed in D. Sag. 71-2. 'Festa ea Germanis nox (it was sideribus inlustris, i.e. illunis, new-moon), et solemnibus epulis ludicra,' Tac. Ann. 1, 50; conf. Germ. 24, where the sword-dance is called ludicrum. Beside feasting and games, it was a part of the festival to bathe the goddesses, p. 255.








In our inquiries on the sacred dwelling-places of the gods, it will be safest to begin, as before, with expressions which preceded the christian terms temple and church, and were supplanted by them.

The Gothic alhs fem. translates the Jewish-Christian notions of naoj (Matt. 27. 5. 51. Mk. 14, 58. 15, 29. Lu. 1, 9. 21. 2 Cor. 6, 16) and ieron (Mk. 11, 11. 16. 27. 12, 35. 14, 49. Lu. 2, 27. 46. 4, 9. 18, 10. 19, 45. John 7, 14. 28. 8, 20. 59. 10, 23). To the Goth it would be a time-hollowed word, for it shares the anomaly of several such nouns, forming its gen. alhs, dat. alh, instead of alháis, alhái. Once only, John 18, 20, gudhus stands for ieron; the simple hus never has the sense of domus, which is rendered razn. Why should Ulphilas disdain to apply the heathen name to the christian thing, when the equally hethen templum and naoj were found quite offensive for christian use?

Possibly the same word appears even earlier; namely in Tacitus, Germ. 43: apud Naharvalos antiquae religionis lucus ostenditur; praesidet sacerdos muliebri ornatu, sed deos interpretatione romana Castorem Pollucemque memorant. Ea vis numini, nomen Alcis; nulla simulacra, nullum peregrinae superstitionis vestigium. Ut fratres tamen, ut juvenes venerantur.

This alcis is either itself the nom., or a gen. of alx (as falcis of falx), which perfectly corresponds to the Gothic alhs. A pair of heroic brothers was worshipped, without any statues, in a sacred grove; the name can hardly be ascribed to them, (1) it is the abode of the divinity that is called alx. Numen is here the sacred wood, or even some notable tree in it. (2)

Four or five centuries after Ulphilas, to the tribes of Upper Germany their word alah must have had an old-fashioned heathenish sound, but we know it was still there, preserved in composition with proper names of places and persons (see Suppl.): Alaholf, Alahtac, Alahhilt, Alahgund, Alahtrût; Alahstat in pago Hassorum (AD. 834), Schannat trad. fuld. no 404. Alahdorp in Mulshgôwe (AD 856A), ibid. no. 476. The names Alahstat, Alahdorf may have been born by many places where a heathen temple, a hallowed place of justice, or a house of the king stood. For, not only the fanum, but the folk-mote, and the royal residence were regarded as consecrated, or, in the language of the Mid. Ages, as frôno (set apart to the frô, lord). Alstidi, a king's pfalz (palatium) in Thuringia often mentioned in Dietmar of Merseburg, was in OHG. alahsteti, nom. alahstat. Among the Saxons, who were converted later, the word kept itself alive longer. The poet of the Heliand uses alah masc. exactly as Ulphilas does alhs (3, 20. 22. 6, 2. 14, 9. 32, 14. 115, 9. 15. 129, 22. 130, 19. 157, 16), seldomer godes hûs 155, 8. 130, 18, or, that hêlaga hûs 3, 19. Cædm. 202, 22 alhn (I. alh hâligne = holy temple); 258, 11 ealhstede (palatium, aedes regia). In Andr. 1642 I would read 'ealde ealhstedas' (delubra) for 'eolhstedas', conf. the proper names Ealhstân in Kemble 1, 288. 296 and Ealhheard 1, 292 quasi stone-hard, rock-hard, which possibly leads us to the primary meaning of the word. (3) The word is wanting in ON. documents, else it must have had the form alr, gen. als.

Of another primitive word the Gothic Fragments furnish no example, the OHG. with (nemus), Diut. 1, 492; O. Sax. with masc. (templum), Hel. 3, 15. 17. 19. 14, 8. 115, 4. 119, 17. 127, 10. 129, 23. 130, 17. 154, 22. 169, 1; friduwih, Hel. 15, 19; AS. wih wiges, or weoh weos, also masc: wiges (idoli), Cædm. 228, 12. þisne wig wurðigean (hoc idolum colere), Cædm. 228, 24. conf. wigweorðing (cultus idolorum), Beow. 350. weohweorðing Cod. exon. 253, 14. wihgild (cultus idol.), Cædm. 227, 5. weobedd (ara), for weohbedd, wihbedd, Cædm. 127, 8. weos (idola), for weohas, Cod. exon. 341, 28.

The alternation of i and eo in the AS. indicates a short vowel; and in spite of the reasons I have urged in Gramm. 1, 462, the same seems to be true of the ON. ve, which in the sing., as Ve, denotes one particular god; but has a double pl., namely, a masc vear dii, idola, and a neut. ve loca sacra. Gutalag 6, 108. 111: haita â hult eþa hauga, â vi eþa stafgarþa (invocare lucos aut tumulos, idola aut loca palis circumsepta); trûa â hult, â hauga, vi oc stafgarþa; han standr î vi (stat in loco sacro). In that case we have here, as in alah, a term alternating between nemus, templum, fanum, idolum, numen, its root being doubtless the Gothic veiha (I hallow), váih, váihum, OHG. wîhu, weih, wihum, from which also comes the adj. veihs sacer, OHG. wîh: and we saw on p. 41 that wîhan was applied to sacrifices and worship. In Lappish, vi is said to mean silva.

Still more decisive is a third heathen word, which becomes specially important to our course of inquiry. The OHG. haruc masc., pl. harugâ, stands in the glosses both for fanum, Hrab. 963. for delubrum, Hrab. 959. for lucus, Hrab. 969, Jun. 212. Diut. 1, 495, and for nemus, Diut. 1, 492. The last gloss, in full, runs thus: 'nemus plantavit = forst flanzôta, edo (or) haruc, edo wih.' So that haruc, like wih, includes on the one hand the notion of templum, fanum, and on the other that of wood, grove, lucus. (4) It is remarkable that the Lex Ripuar. has preserved, evidently from heathen times, harahus to designate a place of judgment, which was originally a wood (RA. 794. 903). AS. hearg masc., pl. heargas (fanum), Beda 2, 13. 3, 30. Orosius 3, 9, p. 109. heargtræf (fani tabulatum), Beow. 349. æt hearge, Kemble, 1, 282. ON. hörgr masc., pl. hörgar (delubrum, at times idolum, simulacrum), Sæm. 36 42, 91, 114, 141; especially worth notice is Sæm. 114: hörgr hlaðinn steinom, griot at gleri orðit, roðit î nyio nauta bloði (h. paven with stones, grit made smooth, reddened anew with neat's blood). Sometimes hörgr is coupled with hof (fanum, tectum), 36 141, in which the former is the holy place amidst woods and rocks, the built temple, aula; conf. 'hamarr ok hörgr,' Fornm. sög. 5, 239. To both expressions belongs the notion of the place as well as that of the numen and the image itself (see Suppl.). Haruc seems unconnected with the O. Lat. haruga, aruga, bull of sacrifice, whence haruspex, aruspex. The Gk temenoj however also means the sacred grove, II. 8, 48. 23, 148. temenoj tamon, II. 20, 184.

Lastly, synonymous with haruc is the OHG. paro, gen. parawes, AS. bearo, gen. bearwes, which betoken lucus (5) and arbor, a sacred grove or a tree; æt bearwe, Kemble. 1, 255. ON. barr (arbor), Sæm. 109; barri (nemus) 86, 87. qui ad aras sacrificat = de za demo parawe (al. za themo we) ploazit, Diut. 1, 150; ara, or rather the pl. arae, here stands for templum (see Suppl.).

Temple then means also wood. What we figure to ourselves as a built and walled house, resolves itself, the farther back we go, into a holy place untouched by human hand, embowered and shut in by self-grown trees. There dwells the deity, veiling his form in rustling foliage of the boughs; there is the spot where the hunter has to present to him the game he has killed, and the herdsmen his horses and oxen and rams.

What a writer of the second century says on the cultus of the Celts, will hold good of the Teutonic and all the kindred nations: Keltoi sebousi men Dioj keltikon iyhlh drij, Maximus Tyrisu (diss. 8, ed. Reiske 1, 142). Compare Lasicz. 46: deos nemora incolere persuasum habent (Samogitae). Habitarunt dî quoque sylvas (Haupts zeitschr. 1, 138).

I am not maintaining that this forest-worship exhausts all the conceptions our ancestors had formed of deity and its dwellingplace; it was only the principal one. Here and there a god may haunt a mountain top, a cave of the rock, a river; but the grand general worship of the people had its seat in the grove. And nowhere cold it have found a worthier (see Suppl.).

At a time when rude beginnings were all that there was of the builder's art, the human mind must have been roused to a higher devotion by the sight of lofty trees under an open sky, than it could feel inside the stunted structures reared by unskillful hands. When long afterwards the architecture peculiar to the Teutons reached its perfection, did it not in its boldest creations still aim at reproducing the soaring trees of the forest? Would not the abortion of miserably carved or chiselled images lag far behind the form of the god which the youthful imagination of antiquity pictured to itself, throned on the bowery summit of a sacred tree? In the sweep and under the shade (6) of primeval forests, the soul of man found itself filled with the nearness of sovran deities. The mighty influence that a forest life had from the first on the whole being of our nation, is attested by the 'march-fellowships;' marka, the word from which they took their name, denoted first a forest, and afterwards a boundary.

The earliest testimonies to the forest-cultus of the Germans are furnished by Tacitus. Germ. 9: ceterum nec cohibere parietibus deos, neque in ullam humani oris speciem adsimulare ex magnitudine coelestium arbitrantur. Lucos ac nemora consecrant, deorumque nominibus adpellant secretum illud quod sola reverentia vident. (7) Germ. 39, of the Semnones; Stato tempore in silvam auguriis patrum et prisca formidine sacram (8) omnes ejusdem sanguinis populi legationibus coëunt. est et alia luco reverentia. nemo nisi vinculo ligatus ingreditur, ut minor et protestatem numinis prae se ferens. si forte prolapsus est, attolli et insurgere haud licitum: per humum evolvuntur. (9) cap. 40: est in insula oceani castum nemus, dicatumque in eo vehiculum veste contectum. cap. 43: apud Naharvalos antiquae religionis lucus astenditur ...numini nomen Alcis, nulla simulacra. cap. 7: effigies et signa (i.e., effigiata signa) quaedam detractae lucis in proelium ferunt; with which connect a passage in Hist. 4, 22: inde depromptæ silvis lucisque ferarum imagines, ut cuique genti inire proelium mos est. Ann. 2, 12: Caesar transgressus Visurgim indicio perfugae cognoscit delectum ab Arminio locum pugnae, convenisse et alias nationes in silvam Herculi sacram. Ann. 4, 73: mox conpertum a transfugis, nongentos Romanorum apud lucum, quem Baduhennae vocant, pugna in posterum extracta confectos; though it does not appear that this grove was a consecrated one. (10) Ann. 1, 61: lucis propinquis barbarae arae, apud quas tribunos mactaverant; conf. 2, 25: propinquo luco defossam Varianae legionis aquilam modico praesidio servari. Hist. 4, 14: Civilis primores gentis ..sacrum in nemus vocatos. These expression can be matched by others from Claudian three centuries later, Cons. Stilich. 1, 288:

Ut procul Hercyniae per vasta silentia silvae

venari tuto liceat, lucosque vetusta

religione truces, et robora numinis instar

barbarici nostrae feriant impune bipennes.

De bello Get. 545:

Hortantes his adde deos. Non somnia nobis,

nec volucres, sed clara palam vox edita luco est:

'rumpe omnes, Alarice, moras!'

It is not pure nature-worship that we are told of here; but Tacitus could have had no eye for the 'mores Germanorum,' if their most essential features had escaped him. Gods dwell in these groves; no images (simulacra, in human form) are mentioned by name as being set up, no temple walls are reared. (11) But sacred vessels and altars stand in the forest, heads of animals (ferarum imagines) hang on the boughs of trees. There divine worship is performed and sacrifice offered, there is the folk-mote and the assize, everywhere a sacred awe and reminiscence of antiquity. Have notwe here alah, wih, paro, haruc faithfully portrayed? How could such technical terms, unless they described an organized national worship presided over by priests, have sprung up in the language, and lived?

During many centuries, down to the introduction of christianity, this custom endured, of venerating deity in sacred woods and trees.

I will here insert the detailed narrative given by Wilibald (786) in the Vita Bonifacii (Canisius II. 1, 242. Pertz 2, 343) of the holy oak of Geismar (on the Edder, near Fritzlar in Hesse). (12) The event falls between the years 725 and 731. Is autem (Bonifacius).......ad obsessas ante ea Hessorum metas cum consensu Carli ducis (i.e. of Charles Martel) rediit. tum vero Hessorum jam multi catholica fide subditi ac septiformis spiritus gratia confirmati manus impositionem acceperunt, et alii quidem, nondum animo confortati, intemeratae fidei documenta integre percipere renuerunt, alii etiam linguis et faucibus clanculo, alii vero aperte sacrificabant, alii vero auspicia et divinationes, praestigia atque incantationes occulte, alii quidem manifeste exercebant, alii quippe auspicia et auguria intendebant, diversosque sacrificandi ritus incoluerunt, alii etiam, quibus mens sanior inerat, omni abjecta gentilitatis prophanatione nihil horum commiserunt. quorum consultu atque consilio arborem quandam mirae magnitudinis, quae prisco Paganorum vocabulo appellatur robur Jovis, in loco, qui dicitur Gaesmere, servis Dei secum astantibus, succidere tentavit. cumque mentis constantia confortatus arborem succidisset, magna quippe aderat copia Paganorum, qui et inimicum deorum suorum intra se diligentissime devotabant, sed ad modicum quidem arbore praecisa confestim immensa roboris moles, divino desuper flatu exagitata, palmitum confracto culmine, corruit, et quasi superi nutus solatio in quatuor etiam partes disrupta est, et quatuor ingentis magnitudinis aequali longitudine trunci, absque fratrum labore astantium apparuerunt. quo viso prius devotantes Pagani etiam versa vice benedictionem Domino, pristina abjecta maledictione, credentes reddiderunt. Tunc autem summae sanctitatis antistes consilio inito cum fratribus ex supradictae arboris materia (13) oratorium construxit, illudque in honore S. Petri apostoli dedicavit. From that time christianity had in this place a seat in Hesse; hard by was the ancient capital of the nation, 'Mattium (Marburg), id genti caput,' Tac. Ann. 1, 56; which continued in the Mid. Ages to be the chief seat of government. According to Landan, the oak and the church built out of it stood on the site of St. Peter's church at Fritzlar. The whole region is well wooded (see Suppl.).

Not unsimilar are some passages contained in the Vita S. Amandi (674), on the wood and tree worship of the northern Franks: Acta Bened. sec. 2. p. 714, 715, 718: Amandus audivit pagum esse, cui vocabulum Gandavum, cujus loci habitatores inquitas diaboli eo circumquaque laqueis vehementer irretivit, ut incolae terrae illius, relicto deo, arbores et ligna pro deo colerent, atque fana vel idola adorarent.

Ubi fana destruebantur, statim monasteria aut ecclesias construebat.

Amandus in pago belvacense verbum domini dum praedicaret, pervenit ad quendam locum, cui vocabulum est Rossonto juxta Aronnam fluvium........respondit illa, quod non ob aliam causam ei ipsa coecitas evenisset, nisi quod auguria vel idola semper coluerat. insuper ostendit ei locum, in quo praedictum idolum adorare consueverat, scilicet arborem, quae erat daemoni dedicata........'nunc igitur accipe securim et hanc nefandam arboreim quantocius succidere festina.'

Among the Saxons and Frisians the veneration of groves lasted much longer. At the beginning of the 11th century, bishop Unwan of Bremen (conf. Adam. Brem. 2, 33) had all such woods cut down among the remoter inhabitants of his diocese: lucos in episcopatu suo, in quibus paludicolae regionis illius errore veteri cum professione falso christianitatis immolabant, succidit; Vita Meinwerci, cap. 22. Of the holy tree in the Old Saxon Irminsûl I will treat in ch. VI. Several districts of Lower Saxony and Westphalia have until quite recent times preserved vestiges of holy oaks, to which the people paid a half heathen half christian homage. Thus, in the principality of Minden, on Easter Sunday, the young people of both sexes used with loud cries of joy to dance a reigen (rig, circular dance) round an old oak. (14) In a thicket near the village of Wormeln, Paderborn, stands a holy oak, to which the inhabitants of Wormeln and Calenberg still make a solemn procession every year. (15)

I am inclined to trace back to heathenism the proper name of Holy Wood so common in nearly all parts of Germany. It is not likely that from a christian church situated in a wood, the wood itself would be named holy; and in such forests, as a rule, there is not a church to be found. Still less can the name be explained by the royal ban-forests of the Mid. Ages; on the contrary, these forests themselves appear to have sprung out of heathen groves, and the king's right seems to have taken the place of the cultus which first withdrew the holy wood from the common use of the people. In such forests too there used to be sanctuaries for criminals, RA. 886-9.

An old account of a battle between Franks and Saxons at Notteln in the year 779 (Pertz 2, 377) informs us, that a badly wounded Saxon had himself secretly conveyed from his castle into a holy wood: Hic vero (Luibertus) magno cum merore se in castrum recepit. Ex quo post aliquot dies mulier egrotum humeris clam in sylvam Sytheri, quae fuit thegathon sacra, nocte portavit. Vulnera ibidem lavans, exterrita clamore effugit. Ubi multa lamentatione animam expiravit. The strange expression thegathon is explained by t' agaqou (the good), a name for the highest divinity (summus et princeps omnium deorum), which the chronicler borrowed from Macrobius's somn. Scip. 1, 2, and may have chosen purposely, to avoid naming a well-known heathen god (see Suppl.). Sytheri, the name of the wood, seems to be the same as Sunderi (southern), a name given to forests in more than one district, e.g. a Sunderhart in Franconia (Höfers urk. p. 308). Did this heathen hope for healing on the sacred soil? or did he wish to die there?

The forest called Dat hillige holt is mentioned by a document in Kindlinger's Münst. beitr. 3, 638. In the country of Hoya there stood a Heiligen-loh (Pertz. 2, 362). A long list of Alsatian documents in Schöpflin allude to the holy forest near Hagenau; no. 218 (A.D. 1065): cum foresto heiligenforst nominato in comitatu Gerhardi comitis in pago Nortcowe. no. 238 (1106): in sylva heiligeforst. no. 273 (1143): praedium Loubach in sacro nemore situm. no. 297 (1158): utantur pascuis in sacra silva. no. 317 (1175): in silva sacra. no. 402 (1215): in sacra silva. no. 800 (1292): conventum in königesbrüken in heiligenforst. no. 829 (1304): nemus nostrum et imperii dictum heiligvorst. no. 851 (1310): pecora in foresta nostra, quae dicitur der heilige forst, pascere et tenere. no. 1076 (1356): porcos tempore glandium nutriendos in silva sacra. The alternating words 'forst, silva, nemus,' are enough to show the significance of the term. The name of the well-known Dreieich (Drieichahi) is probably to be explained by the heathen worship of three oaks; a royal ban-forest existed there a long time and its charter (I, 498) is one of the most primitive.

The express allusion to Thuringia and Saxony is remarkable in the following lines of a poem that seems to have been composed soon after the year 1200, Reinh. F. 302; the wolf sees a goat on a tree, and exclaims:

ich sihe ein obez hangen,

 I see a fruit hanging,

ez habe hâr ode borst;

That it has hair or bristles;

in einem heiligen vorste

 In any holy forest.

ze Düringen noch ze Sachsen

Of Thuringia nor of Saxony

enkunde niht gewahsen

There could not grow

bezzer obez ûf rîse.

Better fruit on bough.

The allusion is surely to sacrificed animals, or firstfruits of the chase, hung up on the trees of a sacred wood? Either the story is based on a more ancient original, or may not the poet have heard tell from somewhere of heathenish doings going on in his own day among Saxons and Thuringians? (see Suppl.).

And in other poems of the Mid. Ages the sacredness of the ancient forests still exerts an after-influence. In Alex. 5193 we read 'der edele walt frône'; and we have inklings now and again, if not of sacrifices offered to sacred trees, yet of a lasting indestructable awe, and the fancy that ghostly beings haunt particular trees. Thus, in Ls. 2, 575, misfortune, like a demon, sat on a tree; and in Altd. w. 3, 161 it is said of a hollow tree:

dâ sint heiligen inne, There are saints in there,

die hærent aller liute bet. (16) That hear all people's prayers (see Suppl.).

Still more unmistakably does this forest cultus prevail in the North, protected by the longer duration of heathenism. The great sacrifice at Lêdera described by Dietmar (see p. 48) was performed in the island which, from its even now magnificent beech-woods, bore the name of Sælundr, sea-grove, and was the finest grove in all Scandinavia. The Swedes in like manner solemnized their festival of sacrifice in a grove near Upsala; Adam of Bremen says of the animals sacrificed: Corpora suspenduntur in lucum qui proximus est templo; is enim lucus tam sacer est gentibus, ut singulae arbores ejus ex morte vel tabo immolatorum divinae credantur. Of Hlöðr Heiðreksson we are told in the Hervararsaga cap. 16 (fornald. sög. 1, 491), that he was born with arms and horse in the holy wood (â mörk hinni helgu). In the grove Glasislundr a bird sits on the boughs and demands sacrifices, a temple and gold-horned cows, Sæm. 140-1. The sacred trees of the Edda, Yggdrasil and Mîmameiðr, Sæm. 109, hardly need reminding of.

Lastly, the agreement of the Slav, Prussian, Finnish and Celtic paganisms throws light upon our own, and tends to confirm it. Dietmar of Merseburg (Pertz 5, 812) affirms of the heathen temple at Riedegost: quam undique sylva ab incolis intacta et venerabilis circumdat magna; (ibid. 816) he relates how his ancestor Wibert about the year 1008 rooted up a grove of the Slavs: lucum Zutibure dictum, ab accolis ut deum in omnibus honoratum, et ab aevo antiquo nunquam violatum, radicitus eruens, sancto martyri Romani in eo ecclesiam construxit. Zutibure is for Sveti bor = holy forest, from bor (fir), pine-barren; a Merseburg document of 1012 already mentions an 'ecclesia in Scutibure,' Zeitschr. f. archivkunde, 1, 162. An ON saga (Fornm. sög. 11, 382) names a blótlundr (sacrificial grove) at Stræla, called Böku. Helmold 1, 1 says of the Slavs: usque hodie profecto inter illos, cum cetera omnia communiaa sint cum nostris, solus prohibetur accessus lucorum ac fontium, quos autumant pollui christianorum accessu. A song in the Königinhof MS. p. 72 speaks of the grove (hain, Boh. hai, hag, Pol. gay, Sloven. gaj; conf. gaius, gahajus, Lex Roth. 324, Kaheius, Lex Bajuv. 21, 6) from which the christians scared away the holy sparrow.(17) The Esth. sallo, Finn. salo means a holy wood, especially a meadow with thick underwood;

the national god Tharapila is described by Henry the Letton (ad. ann. 1219): in confinio Wironiae erat mons et silva pulcherrima, in quo dicebant indigenae magnum deum Osiliensium natum qui Tharapila (18) vocatur, et de loco illo in Osiliam volasse, in the form of a bird? (see Suppl.). To the Old Prussians, Romove was the most sacred spot in the land, and a seat of the gods; there stood their images on a holy oak hung with cloths. No unconsecrated person was allowed to set foot in the forest, no tree to be felled, not a bough to be injured, not a beast to be slain. There were many such sacred groves in other parts of Prussia and Lithuania. (19)

The Vita S. Germani Autisiodorensis (b. 378, d. 448) written by Constantius as early as 473 contains a striking narrative of a peartree which stood in the middle of Auxerre and was honored by the heathen. (20) As the Burgundians did not enter Gaul til the beginning of the 5th century, there is not likely to be a mixture in it of German tradition. But even if the story is purely Celtic, it deserves a place here, because it shows how widely the custom prevailed of hanging the heads of sacrificial beasts on trees. (21) Eo tempore (before 1400) territorium Autisiodorensis urbis visitatione propria gubernabat Germanus. Cui mos erat tirunculorum potius industriis indulgere, quam christianae religioni operam dare. is ergo assidue venatui invigilans ferarum copiam insidiis atque artis strenuitate frequentissime capiebat. Erat autem arbor pirus in urbe media, amænitate gratissima: ad cujus ramusculos ferarum ab eo deprehensarum capita pro admiratione venationis nimiae dependebant. Quem celebris ejusdem civitatis Amator episcopus his frequens compellebat eloquiis: 'desine, quaeso, vir honoratorum splendidissime, haec jocularia, quae Christianis offensa, Paganis vero imitanda sunt, exercere. hoc opus idololatriae cultura est, non christianæ elegantissimae disciplinae.' Et licet hoc indesinenter vir deo dignus perageret, ille tamen nullo modo admonenti se adquiescere voluit aut obedire. vir autem domini iterum atque iterum eum hortabatur, ut non solum a consuetudine male arrepta discederet, verum etiam et ipsam arborem, ne Christianis offendiculum esset, radicitus exstirparet. sed ille nullatenus aurem placidam applicare voluit admonenti. In hujus ergo persuasionis tempore quodam die Germanus ex urbe in praedia sui juris discessit. tunc beatus Amator opportunitatem opperiens sacrilegam arborem cum caudicibus abscidit, et ne aliqua ejus incredulis esset memoria igni concremandam illico deputavit. oscilla (22) vero, quae tanquam trophaea cujusdam certaminis umbram dependentia ostentabant, longius a civitatis terminis projici praecipit. Protinus vero fama gressus suos ad aures Germani retorquens, dictis animum incendit, atque iram suis suasionibus exaggerans ferocem effecit, ita ut oblitus sanctae religionis, cujus jam fuerat ritu atque munere insignitus, mortem beatissimo viro minitaret.

A poem of Herricus composed about 876 gives a fuller description of the idolatrous peartree:

altoque et lato stabat gratissima quondam

urbe pirus media, populo spectabilis omni;

non quia pendentum flavebat honore pirorum,

nec quia perpetuae vernabat munere frondis:

sed deprensarum passim capita alta ferarum

arboris obsoenae patulis haerentia ramis

praebebant vano plausum spectacula vulgo.

horrebant illic trepidi ramalia cervi

et dirum frendentis apri, fera spicula, dentes,

acribus exitium meditantes forte molossis.

tunc quoque sic variis arbos induta tropaeis

fundebat rudibus lascivi semina risus.

It was not the laughter of the multitude that offended the christian priests; they saw in the practice a performance, however degenerate and dimmed, of heathen sacrifices. (23)

Thus far we have dwelt on the evidences which go to prove that the oldest worship of our ancestors was connected with sacred forests and trees.

At the same time it cannot be doubted, that even in the earliest times there were temples built for single deities, and perhaps rude images set up inside them. In the lapse of centuries the old forest worship may have declined and been superseded by the structure of temples, more with some populations and less with others. In fact, we come across a good many statements so indefinite or incomplete, that it is impossible to gather from them with any certainty whether the expressions used betoken the ancient cultus or one departing from it.

The most weighty and significant passages relating to this part of the subject seem to be the following (see Suppl.):

Tac. Germ. 40 describes the sacred grove and the worship of Mother Earth; when the priest in festival time has carried the goddess round among the people, he restores her to her sanctuary: satiatam conversatione mortalium deam templo reddit.

Tac. ann. 1, 51:

Cæsar avidas legiones, quo latior populatio foret, quatuor in cuneos dispertit, quinquaginta millium spatium ferro flammisque pervastat; non sexus, non aetas miserationem attulit: profana simul et sacra, et celeberrimum illis gentibus templum, quod Tanfanae (24) vocabant, solo aequantur.

The nation to which this temple belonged were the Marsi and perhaps some neighbouring ones (see Suppl.).

Vita S. Eugendi abbatis Jurensis (d. circ. 510), auctore monacho Condatescensi ipsius discipulo (in Actis sanctor. Bolland. Jan. 1, p. 50, and in Mabillon, acta Ben. sec. 1, p. 570):

Sancta igitur famulus Christi Eugendus, sicut beatorum patrum Romani et Lupicini in religione discipulus, ita etiam natalibus ac provincia extitit indigena atque concivis. ortus nempe est haud longe a vico cui vetusta paganitas ob celebritatem clausuramque fortissimam superstitiosissimi templi Gallica lingua Isarnodori, id est, ferrei ostii indidit nomen: quo nunc quoque in loco, delubris ex parte jam dirutis, sacratissime micant coelestis regni culmina dicata Christicolis; atque inibi pater sanctissimae prolis judicio pontificali plebisque testimonio extitit in presbyterii dignitate sacerdos.

If Eugendus was born about the middle of the 5th century, and his father already was a priest of the christian church which had been erected on the site of the heathen temple, heathenism can at the latest have lingered there only in the earlier half of that century, at whose commencement the West Goths passed through Italy into Gaul. Gallica lingua here seems to be the German spoken by the invading nations, in contradistinction to the Romana; the name of the place is almost pure Gothic, eisarnadaúri, still more exactly it might be Burgundian, îsarnodori. (25) Had either West Goths or Burgundians, or perhaps even some Alamanns that had penetrated so far, founded the temple in the fastnesses and defiles of the Jura? (26) The name is well suited to the strength of the position and of the building, which the christians in part retained (see Suppl.).

A Constitutio Childeberti I of about 554 (Pertz 3, 1) contains the following:

Praecipientes, ut quicunque admoniti de agro suo, ubicumque fuerint simulacra constructa vel idola daemoni dedicata ab hominibus, factum non statim abjecerint vel sacerdotibus haec destruentibus prohibuerint, datis fidejussoribus non aliter discedant nisi in nostris obtutibus praesententur.

Vita S. Radegundis (d. 587) the wife of Clotaire, composed by a contemporary nun Baudonivia (acta Bened. sec. 1, p. 327): Dum iter ageret (Radegundis) seculari pompa se comitante, interjecta longinquitate terrae ac spatio, fanum quod a Francis colebatur in itinere beatae reginae quantum miliario uno proximum erat. hoc illa audiens jussit famulis fanum igne comburi, iniquum judicans Deum coeli contemni et diabolica machinamenta venerari. Hoc audientes Franci universa multitudo cum gladiis et fustibus vel omni fremitu conabantur defendere. sancta vero regina immobilis preseverans et Christum in pectore gestans, equum quem sedebat in antea (i.e. ulterius) non movit antequam et fanum perureretur et ipsa orante inter se populi pacem firmarent. The situation of the temple she destroyed I do not venture to determine; Radegund was journeying from Thuringia to France, and somewhere on that line, not far from the Rhine, the fanum may be looked for.

Greg. Tur. vitae patrum 6: Eunte rege (Theoderico) in Agrippinam urbem, et ipse (S. Gallus) simul abiit. erat autem ibi fanum quoddam diversis ornamentis refertum, in quo barbaris (l. Barbarus) opima libamina exhibens usque ad vomitum cibo potuque replebatur. ibi et simulacra ut deum adorans, membra, secundum quod unumquemque dolor attigisset, sculpebat in ligno. quod ubi S. Gallus audivit, statim illuc cum uno tantum clerico properat, accensoque igne, cum nullus ex stultis Paganis adesset, ad fanum applicat et succendit. at illi videntes fumum delubri ad coelum usque conscendere, auctorem incendii quaerunt, inventumque evaginatis gladiis prosequuntur; ille vero in fugam versus aulae se regiae condidit. verum postquam rex quae acta fuerant Paganis minantibus recognovit, blandis eos sermonibus lenivit. This Gallus is distinct from the one who appears in Alamannia half a century later; he died about 553, and by the king is meant Theoderic I of Austrasia.

Vita S. Lupi Senonensis (Duchesne 1, 562. Bouquet 3, 491): Rex Chlotarius virum Dei Lupum episcopum retrusit in pago quodam Neustriae nuncupante Vinemaco (le Vimeu), traditum duci pagano (i.e. duci terrae), nomine Bosoni Landegisilo (no doubt a Frank) quem ille direxit in villa quae dicitur Andesagina super fluvium Auciam, ubi erant templa fanatica a decurionibus culta. (A.D. 614) Andesagina is Ausenne, Aucia was afterwards called la Bresle, Briselle.

Beda, hist. eccl. 2, 13, relates how the Northumbrian king Eadwine, baptized 627, slain 633, resolved after mature consultation with men of understanding to adopt christianity, and was especially made to waver in his ancient faith by Coifi (Cæfi) his chief heathen priest himself: Cumque a praefato pontiface sacrorum suorum quaereret, quis aras et fana idolorum cum septis quibus erant circumdata primus profanare deberet? respondit: ego. quis enim ea, quae per stultitiam colui, nunc ad exemplum omnium aptius quam ipse per sapientiam mihi a Deo vero donatam destruam? .Accinctus ergo gladio accepit lanceam in manu et ascendens emissarium regis (all three unlawful and improper things for a heathen priest), pergebat ad idola. quod aspiciens vulgus aestimabat eum insanire. nec distulit ille. mox ut appropinquabat ad fanum, profanare illud, injecta in eo lancea quam tenebat, multumque gavisus de agnitione veri Dei cultus, jussit sociis destruere ac succendere fanum cum omnibus septis suis. Ostenditur autem locus ille quondam idolorum non longe ab Eboraco ad orientem ultra amnem Dorowentionem et vocatur hodie Godmundinga hâm, ubi pontifex ipse, inspirante Deo vero, polluit ac destruxit eas, quas ipse sacraverat, aras. (27)

Vita S. Bertuffi Bobbiensis (d. 640) in Acta Bened. sec. 2, p. 164: Ad quandam villam Iriae fluvio adjacentem accessit, ubi fanum quoddam arboribus consitum videns allatum ignem ei admovit, congestis in modum pirae lignis. Id vero cernentes fani cultores Meroveum apprehensum diuque fustibus caesum et ictibus contusum in fluvium illud demergere conantur.

The Iria runs into the Po; the event occurs among Lombards.

Walafridi Strabonis vita S. Galli (d. 640) in actis Bened. sec. 2 p. 219, 220: Venerunt (S. Columbanus et Gallus) infra partes Alemanniae ad fluvium, qui Lindimacus vocatur, juxta quem ad superiora tendentes pervenerunt Turicinum. cumque per littus ambulantes venissent ad caput lacus ipsius, in locum qui Tucconia dicitur, placuit illis loci qualitas ad inhabitandum. porro homines ibidem commanentes crudeles erant et impii, simulacra colentes, idola sacrificiis venerantes, observantes auguria et divinationes et multa quae contraria sunt cultui divino superstitiosa sectantes. Sancti igitur homines cum coepissent inter illos habitare, docebant eos adorare Patrem et Filium et Spiritum sanctum, et custodire fidei veritatem. Beatus quoque Gallus sancti viri discipulus zelo pietatis armatus fana, in quibus daemoniis sacrificabant, igni succendit et quaecumque invenit oblata demersit in lacum.

Here follows an important passage which will be quoted further onæ it says expressly: cumque ejusdem templi solemnitas ageretur.

Jonae Bobbiensis vita S. Columbani (d. 615) cap. 17. in act. Bened. 2, 12. 13: Cumque jam multorum monachorum societate densaretur, coepit cogitare, ut potiorem locum in eadem eremo (i.e. Vosago saltu) quaereret, quo monasterium construeret. inventique castrum firmissimo munimine olim fuisse cultum, a supra dicto loco distans plus minus octo millibus, quem prisca tempora Luxovium nuncupabant, ibique aquae calidae cultu eximio constructae habebantur. ibi imaginum lapidearum densitas vicina saltus densabat, (28) quas cultu miserabili rituque profano vetusta Paganorum tempora honorabant.

This Burgundian place then (Luxeuil in Franche Comtè, near Vesoul) contained old Roman thermae adorned with statues. Had the Burgundian settlers connected their own worship with these? The same castrum is spoken of in the....

Vita S. Agili Resbacensis (d. 650), in Acta Ben. sec. 2, p. 317: Castrum namque intra vasta eremi septa, quae Vosagus dicitur, fuerat fanaticorum cultui olim dedicatum, sed tunc ad solum usque dirutum, quod hujus saltus incolae, quamquam ignoto praesagio, Luxovium [qu. lux ovium?] nominavere. A church is then built on the heathen site: ut, ubi olim prophano ritu veteres coluerunt fana, ibi Christi figerentur arae et erigerentur vexilla, habitaculum Deo militantium, quo adversus aërias potestates dimicarent superni Regis tirones. p. 319: Ingressique (Agilus cum Eustasio) hujus itineris viam, juvante Christo, Warascos praedicatori accelerant, qui agrestium fanis decepti, quos vulgi faunos vocant, gentilium quoque errore seducti, in perfidiam devenerant, Fotini seu Bonosi virus infecti, quos, errore depulso, matri ecclesiae reconiliatos veros Christi fecere servos.

Vita S. Willibrordi (d. 789), in Acta Bened. sec. 3, p. 609: Pervenit in confinio Fresonum et Danorum ad quandam insulam, quae a quodam deo suo Fosite ab accolis terrae Fositesland appellatur, quia in ea ejusdem dei fana fuere constructa. Qui locus a paganis tanta veneratione habebatur, ut nil in eo vel animalium ibi pascentium vel aliarum quarumlibet rerum gentilium quisquam tangere audebat, nec etiam a fonte qui ibi ebulliebat aquam haurire nisi tacens praesumebat.

Vita S. Willehadi (d. 793), in Pertz 2, 381: Unde contigit, ut quidam discipulorum ejus, divino cumpuncti ardore, fana in morem gentilium circumquaque erecta coepissent evertere et ad nihilum, prout poterant, redigere; quo facto barbari, qui adhuc forte perstiterant, furore nimio succensi, irruerunt super eos repente cum impetu, volentes eos funditus interimere, ibique Dei famulum fustibus caesum multis admodum plagis affecere.

This happened in the Frisian pagus Thrianta (Drente) before 779.

Vita Ludgeri (beginning of the 9th cent.) 1, 8: (In Frisia) Paganos asperrimos ..mitigavit, ut sua iilum delubra destruere coram oculis paterentur. Inventum in fanis aurum et argentum plurimum Albricus in aerarium regis intulit, accipiens et ipse praecipiente Carlo portionem ex illo.

Conf. the passage cited p. 45 from the Lex Frisionum.

Folcuini gesta abb. Lobiensium (circ. 980), in Pertz 6, 55: Est locus intra termino pagi, quem veteres, a loco ubi superstitiosa gentilitas fanum marti sacraverat, Fanum Martinse dixeruut. This is famars in Hainault, not far from Valenciennes.

In all probability the sanctuary of Tanfana which Germanicus demolished in A.D. 14 was not a mere grove, but a real building, otherwise Tacitus would hardly have called the destruction of it a 'levelling to the ground'. During the next three or four centuries we are without any notices of heathen temples in Germany. In the 5th, 6th, 7th, and 8th centuries, as I have shown, we come upon castra, templa, fana among Burgundians, Franks, Lombards, Alamanns, Anglo-Saxons, and Frisians. By fanum (whence fanaticus) seems often to have been understood a building of smaller extent, and by templum one of larger; the Indiculus supersit. xxxi. 4 has: 'de casulis (huts), i.e. fanis' (see Suppl.). I admit that some of the authorities cited leave it doubtful whether German heathen temples be intended, they might be Roman ones which had been left standing; in which case there is room for a twofold hypothesis: that the dominant German nation had allowed certain communities in their midst to keep up the Roman-Gallic cultus, or that they themselves had taken possession of Roman buildings for the exercise of their own religion (29) (see Suppl.) No thorough investigation has yet been made of the state of religion among the Gauls immediately before and after the irruption of the Germans; side by side with the converts there was still, no doubt, some heathen Gauls; it is difficult therefore to pronounce for either hypothesis, cases of both kinds may have co-existed. So much for the doubtful authorities; but it is not all of them that leave us in any doubt. If the Tanfana temple could be built by Germans, we can suppose the same of the Alamann, the Saxon and the Frisian temples; and what was done in the first century, is still more likely to have been done in the 2nd, 3rd, and 4th.

Built Temples must in early times have been named in a variety of ways (see Suppl.): AS. OS. ON. hof, aula, atrium; (30)

OGH. halla, templum (Hymn. 24, 8), AS. heal, ON. höll (conf. hallr, lapis, Goth, hallus);

OHG. sal, ON. salr, AS. sele, OS. seli, aula;

AS. reced, domus, basilica (Cædm. 145, 11. 150, 16. 219, 23), OS rakud (Hel. 114, 17. 130, 20. 144, 4. 155, 20), an obscure word not found in the other dialects;

OHG. pëtapûr, delubrum (Diut. 1, 195) (31);

to which were afterwards added pëtahûs, minores ecclesiae (Gl. sletst. 21, 32) and chirihhâ, AS. eyrice. The MHG. poets like to use bëtehûs of a heathen temple as opposed to a christian church (En. 2695. Barl. 339, 11. 28. 342, 6. Athis D 93. Herb. 952. Wigal. 8308. Pass. 356, 73. Tit. 3329), so in M. Nethl. bedehûs (Maerl. 1, 326. 3, 125), much as the Catholics in their own countries do not allow to Protestants a church, but only a bathaus, praying-house (see Suppl.). O. iv. 33, 33 has the periphrase gotes hûs, and ii. 4, 52 druhtînes hûs. Notker cap. 17 makes no scruple of translating the Lat. fanis by chîlechon, just as bishop does duty for heathen priest as well. In the earliest times temple was retained, Is. 382. 395. T. 15, 4. 193, 2. 209, 1. Diut. 1, 195.

The hut which we are to picture to ourselves under the term fanum or pûr (A.S. bûr, bower) was most likely constructed of logs and twigs round the sacred tree; a wooden temple of the goddess Zisa will find a place in ch. XIII. With halla and some other names we are compelled to think rather of a stone building.

We see all the christian teachers eager to lay the axe to the sacred trees of the heathen, and fire under their temples. It would almost seem that the poor people's consent was never asked, and the rising smoke was the first thing that announced to them the broken power of their gods. But on a closer study of the details in the less high-flown narratives, it comes out that the heathen were not so tame and simple, nor the christians so reckless. Boniface resolved on hewing down the Thunder-oak after taking counsel with the already converted Hessians, and in their presence. So too the Thuringian princess might not have dared to sit so immovable on her palfrey and give the order to fire the Frankish temple, had not her escort been numerous enough to make head against the heathen. That these did make an armed resistance, appears from Radegund's request, after the fane was burnt down, ut inter se populi pacem firmarent.

In most of the cases it is expressly stated that a church was erected on the site of the heathen tree or temple. (32) In this way the people's habits of thinking were consulted, and they could believe that the old sacredness had not departed from the place, but henceforth flowed from the presence of the true God (see Suppl.).

At the same time we here perceive the reason of the almost entire absence of heathen monuments or their remains, not only in Germany proper, but in the North, where certainly such temples existed, and more plentifully; conf. in chaps. VI. X. XVI. the temple at Sigtûn, baer î Baldrshaga, and the Nornas' temple. Either these were levelled with the ground to make room for a christian church, or their walls and halls were worked into the new building. We may be slow to form any high opinion of the building art among the heathen Germans, yet they must have understood how to arrange considerable masses of stone, and bind them firmly together. We have evidence of this in the grave-mounds and places of sacrifice still preserved in Scandinavia, partly also in Friesland and Saxony, from which some important inferences might be drawn with regard to the old heathen services, but these I exclude from my present investigation.

The results are these: the earliest seat of heathen worship was in groves, whether on mountain or in pleasant mead; there the first temples were afterwards built, and there also were the tribunals of the nation.


1. Unless it were dat. pl. of alcus [or alca alkh]. A Wendicholz, Bohem. holec, which has been adduced, is not to the point, for it means strictly a bald naked wretch, a beggar boy, Pol. golec, Russ. gholiak. besides, the Naharvali and the other Lygian nations can scarcely have been Slavs.

                2. I am not convinced that numen can refer to the place. The plain sense seems to be; 'the divinity has that virtue (which the Gemini have), and the name Alcis,' or 'of Alx,' or if dat. pl., 'the Alcae, Alci'. May not Alcis be conn. with alkh strength, safeguard, and the dat. alki pointing to a nom. alx; *alkw I defend; or even Caesar's alces and Pausanias's alkai elks?


                3. There is however a noun Hard, the name of many landing-places in the south of England, as Cracknor Hard, &c.


                4. And in one place haragâ = arae. Elsewhere the heathen term for altar, Gk. bwmoj, was Goth. biurds, OHG. piot, AS. beod, strictly a table (p. 38); likewise the Goth. badi, OHG. petti, AS. bed, bedd (lectus, p. 30) gets to mean ara, areola, fanum, conf. AS. wihbed, weohbed, weobed, afterwards distorted into weofed (ara, altare), OHG. kotapetti (gods'-bed, lectus, pulvinar templi), Graff 3, 51; with which compare Brunhild's bed and the like, also the Lat. lectisternium. 'Ad altare S. Kiliani, quod vulgo lectus dicitur,' Lang reg. 1, 239. 255 (A.D. 1160-5); (see Suppl.).

                5. To the Lat. lucus would correspond a Goth. láuhs, and this is confirmed by the OHG. lôh, AS. leáh. The Engl. lea, ley has acquired the meaning of meadow, field; also the Slav. lug, Boh. lutz, is at once grove, glade, and meadow. Not only the wood, but wooded meadows were sacred to gods (see Suppl.).

                6. Waldes hleo, hlea (umbra, umbraculum). Hel. 33, 22. 73, 23. AS. hleo, ON. hlie, OHG. liwa, Graff 2, 296, MHG. lie, liewe.

                7. Ruodolf of Fuld (863) has incorporated the whole passage, with a few alterations, in his treatise De translatione Alexandri (Pertz 2, 675), perhaps from some intermediate source. Tacitus's words must be taken as they stand. In his day Germany possessed no masters who could build temples or chisel statues; so the grove was the dwelling of the gods, and a sacred symbol did instead of a statue. Möser 30 takes the passage to mean, that the divinity common to the whole nation was worshipped unseen, so as not to give one district the advantage of possessing the temple; but that separate gods did have their images made. The view is too political, and also ill-suited to the isolation of tribes in those times. No doubt, a region which included a god's hill would acquire the more renown and sacredness, as spots like Rhetra and Loreto did from containing the Slavic sanctuary or a Madonna: that did not prevent the same worship from obtaining seats elsewhere. With the words of Tacitus compare what he says in Hist. 2, 78: est Judaem inter Syriamque Carmelus, ita vocant montem deumque, nec simulacrum deo aut templum, sic tradidere majores, ara tantum et reverentia; and in Dial. de Orat. 12: nemora vero et luci et secretum ipsum. In Tacitus secretum = secessus, seclusion, not arcanum.

                8. This hexameter is not a quotation, it is the author's own.

                9. Whoever is engaged in a holy office, and stands in the presence and precincts of the god, must not stumble, and if he falls to the ground, he forfeits his privilege. So he who in holy combat sinks to the earth, may not set himself on his legs, but must finish the fight on his knees, Danske viser 1, 115; so in certain places a stranger's carriage, if overturned, must not be set upright again, RA. 554. What is fabled of an idol called Sompar at Görlitz (neue lausitz. monatsschr. 1805, p. 1-18) has evidently been spun out of this passage in Tac.; the Semnones are placed in the Lausitz country, as they had been previously by Aventin (Frankf. 1580, p. 27), who only puts a king Schwab in the place of Sompar.

                10. Baduhenna, perhaps the name of a place, like Arduenna. Müllenhoff adds Badvinna, Patunna (Haupts zeitschr. 9, 241).

                11. Brissonius de reguo Pers. 2, 28; 'Persae diis suis nulla templa vel altaria constituunt, nulla simulacra': after Herodot. 1, 131.

                12. A shorter account of the same in the annalist Saxo, p. 133.

                13. Other MS. have 'mole' or 'metallo'. A brazen image on the oak is not to be thought of, as such a thing would have been alluded to in what precedes or follows. 

                14. Weddigen's westphal. mag. 3, 712.

                15. Spilckers beiträge 2, 121.

                16. From the notion of a forest temple the transition is easy to paying divine honours to a single tree. Festus has: delubrum fustis delibratus (staff with bark peeled off) quem venerabantur pro deo. Names given to particular trees are at the same time names of goddesses, e.g. ON. Hlin, Gnâ. It is worthy of notice, that the heathen idea of divine figures on trees has crept into christian legends, so deeply rooted was tree worship among the people. I refer doubters to the story of the Tyrolese image of grace, which grew up in a forest tree (Deutsche sagen, no. 348). In Carinthia you find Madonna figures fixed on the trees in gloomy groves (Sartoris reise 2, 165). Of like import seems to be the descriptions of wonderful maidens sitting inside hollow trees, or perched on the boughs (Marienkind, hausmächen no. 3. Romance de la infantina, see ch. XVI.). Madonna in the wood, Mar. legend. 177. Many oaks with Madonna in Normandy, Bosquet 196-7.

                17. Brzetislav burnt down the heathen groves and trees of the Bohemians in 1093, Pelzel 1, 76. The Poles called a sacred grove rok and uroczysko, conf. Russ. róshtcha, grove [root rek rok = fari, fatum; róshtcha is from rostí, rastí = grow]. On threat of hostile invasion, they cut rods (wicie) from the grove, and sent them round to summon their neighbours. Mickiewicz 1, 56.

                18. Conf. Turupid in Fornm. sög. 11, 385; but on Slav nations conf. Schiefner on Castrén 329.

                19. Joh. Voigts gesch. Preussens 1, 595-597.

                20. Acta sanctor. Bolland. July 31. p. 202; conf. Legenda aurea, cap. 102.

                21. Huic (Marti) praedae primordia vovebantur, huic truncis suspendebantur exuviae, Jornandes cap. 5.

                22. Virg. Georg. 2, 388: tibique (Bacche) oscilla ex alta suspendunt mollia pinu. In the story, however, it is not masks that are hung up, but real heads of beasts; are the ferarum imagines in Tac. Hist. 4, 22 necessarily images? Does oscilla mean capita oscillantia? It appears that when they hung up the heads, they propped open the mouth with a stick, conf. Isengr. 645. Reinardus 3, 293 (see Suppl.). Nailing birds of prey to the gate of a burg or barn is well known, and is practised to this day. Hanging up horses' heads was mentioned on p. 47. The Grîmnismâl 10 tells us, in Oðin's mansion there hung a wolf outside the door, and over than an eagle; were these mere simulacra and insignia? Witechind says, the Saxons, when sacrificing, set up an eagle over the gate: Ad orientalem portam ponunt aquilam, aramque Victoriae construents; this eagle seems to have been her emblem. A dog hung up over the threshold is also mentioned. Lex Alam. 102.

                23. St. Benedict found at Montecassino vetustissimum fanum, in quo ex antiquo more gentilium a stulto rusticano populo Apollo colebatur, circumquaque enim in cultum daemoniorum luci succreverant, in quibus adhuc eodem tempore infidelium insana multitudo sacrificiis sacrilegis insudabat. Greg. Mag. dialogi 2, 8. These were not German heathens, but it proves the custom to have been the more universal.

                24. An inscription found in Neapolitan territory, but supposed by Orelli 2053 to have been made by Ligorius, has 'Tamfanae sacrum' (Gudii inscript. antiq. p. lv. 11, de Wal p. 188); the word is certainly German, and formed like Hludana, Sigana (Sequana), Liutana (Lugdunum), Râbana (Ravenna) &c.

                25. Yet the Celtic forms also are not far removed, Ir. iaran, Wel. haiarn, Armor. uarn (ferrum); Ir. doras, Wel. dor (porta): haearndor = iron gate, quoted in Davie's Brit. Mythol. pp. 120, 560.

                26. Frontier mountains held sacred and made places of sacrifice by some nations; Ritters erdkunde 1, aufl. 2, 79. vol. 2, p. 903.

                27. The A.S. translation renders arae by wigbed (see p. 67), fana by heargas, idola by deofolgild, septa once by hegas (hedges), and the other time by getymbro. The spear hurled at the hearg gave the signal for its destruction.

                28. The multitude of statues made the adjoining wood thicker? Must we not supply an acc. copiam or speciem after imag. lapid.? [vicina saltus densabat evidently means crowded the adjoining part of the wood. So in Ovid: densae foliis buxi.


                29. As the vulgar took Roman fortifications for devil's dikes, it was natural to associate with Roman castella the notion of idolitry. Rupertus Tuitiensis (d. 1135) in his account of the fire of 1128 that leveled such a castellum at Deuz, which had been adapted to christian worship, informs us that some thought it was built by Julius Caesar, others by Constantius and Constantine. In the emperor Otto's time, St. Mary appears by night to archbishop Heribert: 'surge, et Tuitiense castrum petens, locum in eodem mundari praecipe, ibique monasterium Deo mihique et omnibus sanctis constitue, ut, ubi quondam habitavit precatum et cultus daemonum, ibi justitia regnet et memoria sanctorum,' with more of the like, in the Vita Heriberti cap. 15. Conf. the fanum at Cologne above, p. 81.

                30. The asylum that atrium and temple offered within their precincts is in ON. griðastaðr, OHG. frîdhof, OS. vrîthob, Hel. 151, 2, 9. MHG. vrône vrîthof, Nib. 1795, 2; not at all our friedhof [but conn. with frei, free], conf. Goth. freidjan, OS. fridôn (parcere). That the constitution of the Old German sanctuaries was still for the most part heathenish, is discussed in RA. 886-92.

                31. Actum in illo betapûre (the church at Fulda) publice, Trad. Fuld. ed. Schannat no. 193. in bedebur, Lacombl. no 412 (A.D. 1162). in bedebure, Erhard p. 148 (A.D. 1121). betbur, Meyer Zürch. ortsn. 917.

                32. Sulp. Severus (ed. Amst. 1665), p. 458: Nam ubi fana destruxerat (Martinus), statim ibi aut ecclesias aut monasteria construebat. Dietmar of Merseb. 7, 52, p. 859 (speaking of Bishop Reinbern on Slav. territory, A.D. 1015): Fana idolorum destruens incendit, et mare daemonibus cultum immissis quatuor lapidibus sacro chrismate perunctis, et aqua purgans benedicta, novam Domino  .plantationem eduxit.

On the conversion of the Pantheon into a church, see Massmann's Eradius 476.




                p. 67. ) For names compounded with alah, see Förstemann. Halazes-stat in Ratenzgowe (Hallstadt by Bamberg), MB. 28, 98 (yr. 889) seems a misreading for Halahes-stat; and Halazzes-stat 28, 192 (yr. 923) for Halahhes-stat. For the chap. in Baluze 1, 755 has Halax-stat, where Pertz 3, 133 has again Halaz-stat, but Bened. more correctly Alaga-stat. But even Pertz 3, 302 has Halax-stat. Dare we bring in the AS. ealgrian (tueri) and the Lat. arcere, arx? D. Sag. 319. Pictet in Origines 1, 227 connects alhs with Sanskr. alka. What means 'alle gassen und alhen' in the Limbg. chron. p.m. 5? With the Alcis in Tacitus conf. the Scythian korakoi, filioi daimonej = Orestes and Pylades, Lucian's Toxar. 7. D. Sag. 118.

                AS. weoh, templum: weoh gesôhte, Cod. Exon. 244, 6. Donerswe in Oldenburg seems to mean D.'s temple; and Esch-wege in Hesse may be a corrup. of Esch-weh, though acc. to Förstem 2, 111 it was already in the 10th cent. Eskine-wag, -weg; conf. Wôdenes-wege, p. 152 and Oðins-ve, p. 159. Even in OHG. we find we for wih: za themo we (al. parawe) ploazit, Gl. Ker. 27. In ON. Vandils-ve, Sæm. 166a. Frös-vi, Dipl. Suecan. no. 1777; Götä-wi (Göte-vi) 1776. It is said of the gods: valda veom, Sæm. 41b. Skaði says: frâ mînom veom oc vöngom, 67a. Valhallar til, ok vess heilags 113a; does vess belong to ve, or stand for vers? In Sæm. 23b (F. Magn. p. 255n.) 'alda ve iarðar,' populorum habitaculum, is opp. to ûtve = ûtgarða, gigantum habitacula. The Goth. veihs, sacer, OHG. wîh, is wanting in OS., AS., and ON. Cote-wîh, nomen monasterii (Pertz. 7, 460), is afterw. Göttweih; conf. Ketweig, Beham 335, 31. Chetewic in Gerbert (Diemer's Pref. xxi.).

                p. 68n. ) Ara = asa, ansa, is a god's seat, as the Goth. badi, OHG. petti, AS. bed mean both ara and fanum, D. Sag. p. 115. beod-gereordu (n. pl.), epulae, Cædm. 91, 27. ad apicem gemeinen gunbet, MB. 29a, 143 (yr. 1059). gumpette, Hess. Ztschr. 3, 70; conf. Gombetten in Hesse. Does the OHG. ebanslihti (Graff 6, 789) mean ara or area? O. Slav. kumir, ara, idolum; conf. Finn. kumarran, adoro, inclino me. On other Teut. words for altar, such as ON. stalli and the plur. hörgar, see D. Sag. 114-5.

                p. 69. ) OHG. haruc seems preserved in Harahes-heim, Cod. Lauresh. 3, 187, and in Hargenstein, Panzer's Beitr. 1, 1; conf. Hercynius. AS. Besinga-hearh, Kemble no. 994. ON. hâtimbroðom hörgi roeðr, Sæm. 42a. hof mun ek kiosa, ok hörga marga 141a. Thors-argh, -aerg, -harg, now Thors-hälla, Hildebr. iii. D. Sag. 115. The hof sometimes coupled with hörgr occurs even in MHG. in the sense of temple, temple-yard: ze hofe geben (in atrium templi), Mar. 168, 42. ze hove giengen (atrium) 169, 30. den hof rûmen (temple) 172, 5; conf. ON. hofland, temple-land, Munch om Skiringssal 106-7. D. Sag. 116-7. Likewise garte, tûn, pl. tûnir, wiese, aue (p. 225) are used for holy places, Gr. alsoj.

                p. 69. ) OHG. paro, AS. bearo, are supported by kiparida = nemorosa, which Graff 3, 151 assoc. with kipârida; by AS. bearewas, saltus, Haupt's Ztschr. 9, 454b, and 'bearo sette, weobedd worhte,' Cædm. 172, 7. Lactantius's antistes nemorum, luci sacerdos' is rendered 'bearwes bigenga, wudubearwes weard' 207, 27. 208, 7. Names of places: Parawa, Neugart. Cod. dipl. no. 30 (yr. 760); Barwithsyssel, Müllenh. Nordalb. stud. 1, 138; ON. Barey. The OHG. za themo parawe, Diut. 1, 150 is glossed on the margin by 'to deme hoen althere, to demo siden althere,' Goslarer bergg. 343.

                p. 69 n.) OHG. luoc, specus, cubile, delubrum, Graff 2, 129. in luakirum, delubris, Diut. 1, 530a. lôh, lucus, Graff 2, 128. In Rudolf's Weltchr. occurs betelôch, lucus, pl. beteloecher. Notker's Cap. 143 distinguishes the kinds of woods as walden, forsten, lôhen. The Vocab. optim. p. 47a has: silva wilder walt, nemus schoener walt, lucus dicker walt, saltus hoher walt. Mommsen, Unterital. dial. 141, derives lucus from luere, hallow. There are hursts named after divine beings: Freckenhorst, Givekanhorst (conf. Freckastein, Givekanstên. ok þâr stendr enn Thôrsteinn, Landn. ii. 12). It comes of forest-worship that the gods are attended by wild beasts, Wuotan by wolf and raven, Froho by a boar.

                p. 69. ) Worshipping in the still and shady grove was practised by many nations. 'Thou hast scattered thy ways to the strangers under every green tree' complains Jeremiah 3, 13. kluton alsoj iron Aqhnaihj, Od. 6, 321. en alsei dendrhenti foibou Apollwnoj 9, 200. alsea Persefonaihj 10, 509. alsoj upo skieron ekathbolou Apollwnoj 20, 278. Athenæus 4, 371-2, celebrates the cool of the sacred grove. inhorruit atrum majestate nemus, Claudian in Pr. et Olybr. 125 (on nemus, see p. 648). in tuo luco et fano, Plaut. Aulul. iv. 2, 8. lucus sacer, ubi Hesperidum horti, Pliny 5, 5. itur in antiquam silvam, stabula alta ferarum, Æn.6, 179. nunc et in umbrosis Fauno decet immolare lucis, Hor. Od. i. 4, 11. nec magis auro fulgentia atque ebore, quam lucos et in iis silentia ipsa adoramus, Pliny 12, 1. proceritas silvae et secretum loci et admiratio umbrae fidem numinis facit, Seneca ep. 41. As the wood is open above, a hole is left in the top of a temple, conf. the Greek hypæthral temples: Terminus quo loco colebatur, super eum foramen patebat in tecto, quod nefas esse putarent Terminum intra tectum consistere, Festus sub v.; conf. Ov. Fasti 2, 671. Servius in Æn. 9, 448. The Celts unroofed their temples once a year (apostegaz.), Strabo 4, p. 198. A grove in Sarmatia was called alieuma qeou, piscatura dei, Ptol. 3, 5. The Abasgi in the Caucasus venerated groves and woods (alsh kai mlaj), and counted trees among their gods, Procop. 2, 471; conf. the prophetic rustle of the cypresses in Armenia (p. 1110). Even in the Latin poems of the MA. we find: Amoris nemus Paradisus, Carm. bur. 162. circa silvae medium locus est occultus, ubi viget maxime suus deo cultus 163. In Eckhart 186, 32 the Samaritan woman says, 'our fathers worshipped under the trees on the mountain.' In Troj. kr. 890: si wolden gerne hûsen ze walde ûf wilden riuten. Walther v. Rh. 64b: in einen schoenen grüenen walt, dar diu heidensche diet mit ir abgöten geriet (ruled?). In stories of the Devil, he appears in the forest gloom, e.g. Ls. 3, 256, perhaps because men still thought of the old gods as living there. Observe too the relation of home-sprites and wood-wives to trees, p. 509.

                Worshipping on mountains is old and widely spread; conf. âs, ans (p. 25), and the Wuotans-bergs, Donners-bergs. Three days and nights the Devil is invoked on a mountain, Müllenh. no. 227. Mountain worship is Biblical: 'on this mountain (Gerizium),' John 4, 20; see Raumer's Palest. p. 113.

                p. 73. ) Like the Donar's oak of Geismar is a large holy oak, said to have stood near Mülhausen in Thuringia; of its wood was made a chest, still shown in the church of Eichenried village, Grasshof's Mülh. p. 10.

                p. 74. ) On thegathon, see Hpt's Ztschr. 9, 192, and Wilmaus' essay, Münst. 1857. summum et principem omn. deorum, qui apud gentes thegaton nuncupatur, Wilkens biogr. of St. Gerburgis; conf. Wigand's arch. 2, 206. tagaton discussed in Ritter's christl. phil. 3, 308. It is Socrate's daimonion, Plato's to agaqon, the same in Apul. apolog. p. m. 278. Can thegatho be for theodo, as Tehota is for Thiuda? Förstem. 1, 1148.

p. 75. ) The holy wood by Hagenau is named in Chmel reg. Ruperti 1071, D. Sag. 497. fronwald, Weisth. 1, 423. On the word bannwald conf. Lanz. 731: diu tier (beasts) bannen. Among holy groves was doubtless the Fridewald, and perh. the Spiess, both in Hesse, Ztschr. f. Hess. gesch. 2, 163. Friðesleáh, Kemble no. 187. 285; Ôswudu 1, 69 is a man's name, but must have been that of a place first. The divine grove Glasir with golden foliage, Sn. 130, stands outside Valhöll; Sæm. 140b says Hiörvarð's abode was named Glasis lundr.

                p. 75. ) The adoration of the oak is proved by Velthem's Sp. hist. 4, 57 (ed. Le Long, fol. 287): Van ere eyken, die men anebede.

                        In desen tiden was ganginge mede

                        tusschen Zichgen ende Diest ter stede

                        rechte bi-na te-midden werde,

                        daer dede menich ere bedeverde

                        tot ere eyken (dat si u cont),

                        die alse een cruse gewassen stont,

                        met twee rayen gaende ut,

                        daer menich quam overluut,

                        die daer-ane hinc scerpe ende staf,

                        en seide, dat hi genesen wer daer-af.

                        Som liepense onder den bôm, etc.

Here is a Christian pilgrimage of sick people to a cross-shaped tree between Sicken and Diest in Brabant, and the hanging thereon of bandage and staff upon recovery, as at p. 1167. 1179; conf. the heathen oscilla (p. 78). The date can be ascertained from Le Long's Velthem.

                p. 77. ) 'Deos nemora incolere persuasum habent (Samogitae)  . credebat deos intra arbores et cortices latere' says Lasicz, Hpt's Ztschr. 1, 138. The Ostiaks have holy woods, Klemm 3, 121. The Finnic 'Tharapita' should be Tharapila. Castrén 215 thinks –pila is bild, but Renvall says tharapilla = horned owl, Esth. torropil, Verhandl. 2, 92. Juslen 284 has pöllö bubo, and 373 tarhapöllö bubo. With this, and the ON. bird in Glasis lundr, conf. a curious statement in Pliny 10, 47: in Hercynio Germaniae saltú invisitata genera alitum accepimus, quarum plumae ignium modo colluceant noctibus; conf. Stephan's Stoflief. 116.

                p. 78 n.) Oscilla are usu. dolls, puppets, OHG. tocchun, Graff 5, 365. They might even be crutches hung up on the holy tree by the healed (Suppl. to 75). But the prop. meaning must be images. On church walls also were hung offerings, votive gifts, rarities: si hiezen diu weppe hâhen in die kirchen an die mûre, Servat. 2890.

                p. 79. ) A Celtic grove descr. in Lucan's Phars. 3, 399; a Norse temple in Eyrbyggja-s. c. 4.

                p. 80. ) Giefers (Erh. u. Rosenkr. Ztschr. f. gesch. 8, 261-285) supposes that the templum Tanfanae belonged at once to the Cherusci, Chatti and Marsi; that Tanfana may come from tanfo, truncus (?), and be the name of a grove occupying the site of Eresburg, now Ober-Marsberg; that one of its trunci, which had escaped destruction by the Romans (solo aequare he makes burning of the grove), was the Irmensul, which stood on the Osning between Castrum Eresburg and the Carls-schanze on the Brunsberg, some 4 or 5 leagues from Marsberg, and a few leagues from the Buller-born by Altenbeke, the spring that rose by miracle, D. Sag. 118.

                p. 80. ) To the isarno-dori in the Jura corresp. Trajan's Iron Gate, Turk. Demir kapa, in a pass of Dacia. Another Temir kapa in Cilicia, Koch Anabas. 32. Müller lex. Sal. p. 36. Clausura is a narrow pass, like Qermopulai, or pulai alone; conf. Schott's Deutschen in Piemont p. 229.

                p. 85. ) As castrum was used for templum, so is the Boh. kostel, Pol. kosciel for church. Conversely, templum seems at times to mean palatium; conf. 'exustem est palatium in Thornburg' with 'exustum est famosum templum in Thornburg,' Pertz. 5, 62-3, also 'Thornburg castellum et palatium Ottonis' 5, 755. The OS. rakud is both templum and palatium. Beside 'casulae' = fana, we hear of a cella antefana (ante fana?), Mone Anz. 6, 228.

                p. 85.) Veniens (Chrocus Alamann. rex) Arvernos, delubrum illud quod Gallica lingua vassogalate vocant, diruit atque subvertit; miro enim opere factum fuit, Greg. Tur. 1, 32. The statement is important, as proving a difference of religion between Celts and Germans: Chrocus would not destroy a building sacred to his own religion. Or was it, so early as that, a christian temple? conf. cap. 39.

                p. 85. ) Expressions for a built temple: 'hof âtti hann î tûninu, sêr þess enn merki, þat er nu kallat tröllaskeið' Laxd. 66. sal, Graff sub v.; der sal, Diemer 326, 7. AS. reced, OS. rakud, seems conn. with racha, usu. = res, caussa, but 'zimborôn thia racha,' O. iv. 19, 38; conf. wih and wiht. Later words: pluoz-hûs, blôz-hûs, Graff 4, 1053. abgot-hûs fanum 1054. The Lausitz Mag. 7, 166 derives chirihhâ, AS. cyrice, from circus. O. Sl. tzerky, Dobr. 178; Croat. czirkva, Carniol. zirkva, Serv. tzrkva, O. Boh. cjerkew, Pol. cerkiew (conf. Gramm. 3, 156. Pref. to Schultze xi. Graff 4, 481). The sanctuary, ON. griðastaðr, is not to be trodden, Fornm. sög. 4, 186; beasts nor man might there be harmed, no intercourse should men with women have (engi viðskipti skyldu karlar við konur ega þar, Fornald. sög. 2, 63.)

                p. 86. ) Heathen places of worship, even after the conversion, were still royal manors or sees and other benefices endowed with the estate of the old temple, like Herbede on the Ruhr, which belonged to Kaufungen, D. Sag. 589. Mannh. Ztschr. 3, 147. Many manors (also glebe-lands acc. to the Weisthümer) had to maintain 'eisernes vieh, fasel-vieh,' bulls for breeding (p. 93). In Christian as in heathen times, holy places were revealed by signs and wonders. A red-hot harrow is let down from heaven (Sommer), like the burning plough in the Scyth. tale (Herod. 4, 5), D. Sag. 58-9. Legends about the building of churches often have the incident, that, on the destined spot in the wood, lights were seen at night, so arranged as to show the ground plan of the future edifice. They appear to a subulcus in the story of Gandersheim, Pertz 6, 309-10; to another, Frickio by name, in the story of Freckenhorst, where St. Peter as carpenter designs the figure of the holy house, Dorow. i. 1, 32-3; conf. the story at p. 54 and that of Wessobrunn, MB. 7, 372. Falling snow indicates the spot, Müllenh. 113; conf. Hille-snee, Holda's snow, p. 268 n. 304. Where the falcon stoops, a convent is built, Wigand's Corv. güterb. 105. The spot is suggested by cows in a Swed. story, Wieselgren 408; by resting animals in a beautiful AS. one, Kemble no. 581 (yr 974).

                p. 87. ) On almost all our German mountains are to be seen footmarks of gods and heroes, indicating places of ancient worship, e.g. of Brunhild on the Taunus, of Gibich and Dietrich on the Hartz. The Allerhätenberg in Hesse, the 'grandfather-hills' elsewhere, are worth noting.








The most general term for one who is called to the immediate service of deity (minister deorum, Tac. Germ. 10) is one derived from the name of deity itself. From the Goth. guð (deus) is formed the adj. gaguds (godly, pius, eusebhj), then gagudei (pietas, eusebeia). In OHG. and MHG., I find pius translated erhaft, strictly reverens, but also used for venerandus; our fromm has only lately acquired this meaning, the MHG. vrum being simply able, excellent. The God-serving, pious man is in Goth. gudja (iereuj Matt. 8,4, 27, 1. 63. Mk. 10, 34. 11, 27. 14, 61. Lu. 1, 5. 20, 1. Jo. 18, 19. 22. 19, 6. ufargudja (arciereuj) Mk 10, 33. gudjinôn (ierateuein), Lu. 1, 8. gudjinassus (ierateia) Lu. 1, 9. (see Suppl.)

That these were heathen expressions follows from the accordance of the ON. goði (pontifex), hofs goði (fani antistes), Egilss. 754. Freys goði, Nialss. cap. 96. 117. Fornm. sög. 2, 206. goðord (sacerdotium). An additional argument is found in the disappearance of the word from the other dialects, just as our alah disappeared, though the Goths had found alhs unobjectionable. Only a faint vestige appears in the OHG. cotinc by which tribunus is glossed, Diut. 1, 187 (Goth. gudiggs?).

Now as Ulphilas (1) associates gudja and sinista (presbuteroj, elder, man of standing, priest), a remarkable sentence in Amm. Marcell. 28, 5 informs us, that the high priest of the Burgundians was called sinisto: Nam sacerdos omnium maximus apud Burgundios vocatur sinistus, et est perpetuus, (2) obnoxius discriminibus nullis ut reges. The connexion of priests with the nobility I have discussed in RA. 267-8 (see Suppl.).

More decidedly heathen are the OHG. names for a priest harugari, Diut. 1, 514, (3) and parawari, Diut. 1, 150, (being derived from haruc and paro, the words for temple given on p. 68-9, and confirming what I have maintained, that these two terms were synonymous). They can hardly have been coined by the glossist to interpret the Lat. aruspex, they must have existed in our ancient speech.

A priest who sacrificed was named pluostrari (see p. 36).

The fact that cotinc could bear the sense of tribunus shows the close connexion between the offices of priest and judge, which comes out still more clearly in a term peculiar to the High Germ. dialect: êwa, êa signified not only the secular, but the divine law, these being closely connected in the olden times, and equally sacred; hence êowart, êwart law-ward, administrator of law, nomikoj, AS. æ-gleaw, æ-láreow, Goth. vitôdafasteis, one learned in the law, K. 55 56,. Gl. Hrab. 974. N. ps. 50, 9. êwarto of the weak decl. in O.I. 4, 2. 18. 72. gotes êwarto I. 4, 23. and as late as the 12th century êwarte, Mar. 21. and, without the least reference to the Jewish office, but quite synonymous with priest: der heilige êwarte, Reinh. 1705. der bâruc und die êwarten sin, Parz. 13, 25. Wh. 217, 23 of Saracen priests (see Suppl.). The very similar êosago, êsago stood for judex, legislator, RA. 781.

The poetof the Heliand uses the expression wihes ward (templi custos) 150, 24; to avoid the heathen as well as a foreign term, he adopts periphrases: the giêrôdo man (geehrte, honoured), 3, 19. the frôdo man (frôt, fruot, prudens) 3, 21. 7, 7. frôdgumo (gumo, homo) 5, 23. 6, 2. godcund gumo 6, 12, which sounds like gudja above, but may convey the peculiar sense in which Wolfram uses 'der guote man'. (4) In the Romance expressions prudens homo, bonus homo (prudhomme, bonhomme) there lurks a reference to the ancient jurisprudence.

Once Ulphilas renders arciereuj by aúhumists veiha, John 18, 13, but never iereuj by veiha.

With christianity there came in foreign words (see Suppl.). The Anglo-Saxons adopted the Lat. sacerdos in abbreviated from: sacerd, pl. sacerdas; and Ælfred translates Beda's pontifex and summus pontificum (both of them heathen), 2, 13 by biscop and caldorbiscop. T. and O. use in the same sense bisgof, biscof (from episcopus), O. I. 4, 4. 27. 47; and the Hel. 150, 24 biscop. Later on, priester (from presbyter, following the idea of elder and superior), and pfaffe (papa) came to be the names most generally used; AS. preost, Engl. priest,French prestre, prêtre; in Veldek, prêster rhymes with mêster, En. 9002.

When Cæsar, bell. Gall. 6, 21, says of the Germans: Neque druides habent qui rebus divinis praesint, neque sacrificiis student,

the statement need not be set down as a mistake, or as contradicting what Tacitus tells us of the German priests and sacrifices. Cæsar is all along drawing a contrast between them and the Gauls. He had described the latter 6, 16 as excessively addicted to sacrifices; and his 'non studere sacrificiis' must in the connexion mean no more than to make a sparing use of sacrifices. As little did there prevail among the Germans the elaborately finished Druid-system of the Gauls; but they did not want for priests or sacrifices of their own.

The German priests, as we have already gathered from a cursory review of their titles, were employed in the worship of the gods and in judging the people. In campaigns, discipline is entrusted to them alone, not to the generals, the whole war being carried on as it were in the presence of the deity: Ceterum neque animadvertere neque vincire nec verberare quidem nisi sacerdotibus permissum, non quasi in poenam, nec ducis jussu, sed velut deo imperante, quem adesse bellantibus credunt, Germ. 7 (see Suppl.). The succeeding words must also refer to the priests, it is they that take the 'effigies et signa' from the sacred grove and carry them into battle. We learn from cap. 10, that the sacerdos civitatis superintends the divination by rods, whenever it is done for the nation. If the occasion be not a public one, the paterfamilias himself can direct the matter, and the priest need not be called in:

a remarkable limitation of the priestly power, and a sign how far the rights of the freeman extended in strictly private life; on the same principle, I suppose, that in very early times covenant transactions could be settled between the parties, without the intervention of the judge (RA. 201). Again, when the divination was by the neighing of the white steeds maintained by the state, priests accompanied the sacred car, and accredited the transaction. The priest alone may touch the car of Nerthus, by him her approaching presence is perceived, he attends her full of reverence, and leads her back at last toher sanctuary, cap. 40. Segimund, the son of Segestes, whom Tac. Ann. 1, 57 calls sacerdos, had been not a German but a Roman priest (apud aram Ubiorum), and after tearing up the alien chaplet (vittas ruperat), had fled to his home.

These few incidental notices of priests give us anything but a complete view of their functions (see Suppl.). On them doubtless devolved also th performance of public prayers, the slaying of victims, the consecration of the kings and of corpses, perhaps of marriages too, the admimistering of oaths, and many other duties. Of their attire, their isignia and gradations, we hear nothing at all; once Tacitus cap. 43 speaks of a sacerdos muliebri ornatu, but gives no details. No doubt the priests formed a separate, possibly a hereditary order, though not so powerful and influential as in Gaul. Probably, beside that sacerdos civitatis, there were higher and lower ones. Only one is cited by name, the Cattian, i.e. Hessian, Libes in Strabo (Aibhj twn Cattwn iereuj), who with other German prisoners was dragged to Rome in the pompa of Germanicus. Of him Tacitus (so far as we still have him) is silent. (5) Jornandes's statement is worthy of notice, that the Gothic priests were termed pileati in distinction from the rest of the people, the capillati, and that during sacrifice they had the head covered with a hat; conf. RA. 271 (see Suppl.). Oðinn is called Siðhöttr, broadhat.

The succeeding period, down to the introduction of christianity, scarcely yields any information on the condition of the priesthood in continental Germany; their existence we infer from that of temples and sacrifices. A fact of some importance has been preserved by Beda, Hist. eccl. 2, 13: a heathen priest of the Anglo-Saxons was forbidden to carry arms or to ride a male horse: Non enim licuerat, pontificem sacrorum vel arma ferre, vel praeterquam in equa equitare. Can this have any connexion with the regulation which, it is true, can be equally explained from the Bible, that christian clergymen, when riding about the country, should be mounted on asses and colts, not horses (RA. 86-88) ? Festus also remarks; Equo vehi flamini diali non licebat, ne, si longius digrederetur, sacra neglegerentur (see Suppl.). The transmission of such customs, which have impressed themselves on the habits of life, would seem to have been quite admissible. I shall try elsewhere to show in detail, how a good deal in the gestures and attitudes prescribed for certain legal transactions savours of priestly ceremony at sacrifice and prayer (see Suppl.). It is not unlikely, as heathen sacred places were turned into christian ones, that it was also thought desirable amongst a newly converted people to attract their former priests to the service of the new religion. They were the most cultivated portion of the people, the most capable of comprehending the christian doctrine and recommending it to their countrymen. From the ranks of the heathen priesthood would therefore proceed both the bitterest foes and the warmest partizans of innovation. (6) The collection of the Letters of Boniface has a passage lamenting the confusion of christian and heathen rites, into which foolish or reckless and guilty priests had suffered themselves to fall. (7) This might have been done in blameless ignorance or from deliberate purpose, but scarcely by any men except such as were previously familiar with heathenism.

Even the Norse priesthood is but very imperfectly delineated in the Eddas and sagas. A noteworthy passage in the Ynglingasaga cap. 2 which regards the Ases altogether as colonists from Asia, and their residence Asgard as a great place of sacrifice, makes the twelve principle Ases sacrificial priests (hofgoðar): skyldu þeir râða fyrir blôtum ok dômum manna î milli (they had to advise about sacrifices and dooms); and it adds, that they had been named dîar (divi) and drôttnar (domini). This representation, though it be but a conjecture of Snorri's, shows the high estimation in which the priestly order stood, so that gods themselves were placed at the head of sacrifices and judgments. But we need not therefore confound dîar and drôttnar with real human priests.

I must draw attention to the fact, that certain men who stood nearer to the gods by services and veneration, and priests first of all, are entitled friends of the gods (8) (see Suppl.) Hence such names as Freysvinr, AS. Freáwine, Bregowine for heroes and kings (see ch. X, Frôwin). According to Eyrbygg, pp. 6, 8, 16, 26, Rôlfr was a Thôrs vinr; he had a hof of that god on a meadow, and was therefore named Thôrrôlfr, he dedicated to him his son Steinn and named him Thôrsteinn, who again dedicated his son Grimr to the god and named him Thôrgrîmr; by this dedicating (gefa), was meant the appointing to the office of goði or priest. And (according to Landn. 2, 23) Hallstein gave his son as goði to Thôrr. Here we see the priestly office running on through several generations (see Suppl.). However, Odysseus is also called Aioloj filoj aqanatoisi qeoisi, Od. 10, 2; but then in Od. 10, 21 he is tamihj anemwn, director of winds, therefore a priest.

How deeply the priestly office in the North encroached on the administration of justice, need not be insisted on here; in their judicial character the priests seem to have exercised a good deal of control over the people, whereas little is said of their political influence at the courts of kings; on this point it is enough to read the Nialssaga. In Iceland, even under christianity, the judges retained the name and several of the functions of heathen goðar, Grâgâs 1, 109-113. 130. 165. Convents, and at the same time state-farmers, especially occupiers of old sanctuaries (see p. 85, note) apparently continue in the Mid. Ages to have peculiar privileges, on which I shall enlarge in treating of weisthümer. They have the keeping of the country cauldron, or weights and measures, and above all, the brood-animals, to which great favour is shown everywhere (see Suppl.)

The goði is also called a blôtmaðr (sacrificulus), bliotr (Egilssaga p. 209), but all blôtmenn need not be priests; the word denoted rather any participant in sacrifices, and afterwards, among christians, the heathen in general. It tallies with the passage in Tacitus about the paterfamilias, that any iarl or hersir (baron) might perform sacrifice, though he was not a priest. Saxo Gramm. p. 176 relates of Harald after his baptism: Delubra diruit, victimarios proscripsit, flaminium abrogavit. By victimarii he must mean blôtmenn, by flamens the priests. He tells us on p. 104, that at the great Upsala sacrifices plausus, ac mollia nolarum crepitacula; Greek antiquity has also something to tell of choruses and dances of priests.

On the clothing of the Norse priests, I have not come across any information. Was there a connexion between them and the poets? Bragi the god of song has nothing to do with sacrifices; yet the poetic art was thought a sacred hallowed thing: Oðinn spoke in verse, he and his hofgoðar are styled lioðasmiðir (song-smiths), Yngl. saga cap. 6. Can Skáld (poeta, but neut.) be the same as the rare OHG. sgalto (sacer)? Diut. 1, 183. Gl. ker. 69, scaldo. Even of christian minstrels soon after the conversion one thing and another is told, that has also come down to us about heathen skâlds.

Poetry borders so closely on divination, the Roman vates is alike songster and soothsayer, and soothsaying was certainly a priestly function. Amm. Marcell. 14, 9 mentions Alamannian auspices, and Agathias 2, 6 manteij or crhsmologoi Alamannikoi.

Ulphilas avoids using a Gothic word for the frequently occuring profhthj, he invariably puts praufêtus, and for the fem. profhtij praúfêteis, Lu. 2, 36; why not veitaga and veitagô? The OHG. and AS. versions are bolder for once, and give wîzago, wîtega. (9) Was the priest, when conducting auguries and auspices, a veitaga? conf. inveitan, p. 29. The ON. term is spâmaðr (spae-man), and for prophetess spâkona (spae-woman, A.S. witegestre). Such diviners were Mîmir and Grîpir. *** In old French poems they are devin (divini, divinatores) [seers (the same in Latin - should be divinatoris?)] , which occasionally comes to mean poets: uns devins, qui de voir dire est esprovez, [the seers, whose truthfulness is confirmed]  Méon 4, 145. ce dient li devin [this say the seers], Ren. 7383; so Tristr. 1229: li contor dient (the tale-tellers say] (see Suppl.). ***

We have now to speak of the prophetesses and priestesses of antiquity.

The mundium (wardship) in which a daughter, a sister, a wife stood, apears in old heathen time not to have excluded them from holy offices, such as sacrificing (see Suppl.), or from a good deal of influence over the people. Tacitus, after telling us how mightily the German women wrought upon the valour of their warriors, and that the Romans for greater security demanded noble maidens from particular nations, adds: Inesse quin etiam sanctum et providum (feminis) putant (10), nec aut consilia earum aspernantur, aut responsa negligunt. And before that, Caesar 1. 50: Quod apud Germanos ea consuetudo esset, ut matres fam. eorum sortibus et vaticinationibus declararent, utrum proelium committi ex usu esset, necne; eas ita dicere: non esse fas Germanos superare, si ante novam lunam proelio contendissent (see Suppl.).

While history has not preserved the name of one German vates, it has those of several prophetesses. Tac. Germ. 8: Vidimus sub divo Vespasiano Veledam (as a prisoner in his triumph) diu apud plerosque numinis loco habitam. Hist. 4, 61: Ea virgo nationis Bructerae, late imperitabat, vetere apud Germanos more, quo plearasque feminarum fatidicas, et augescente superstitione arbitrantur deas. Tuncque Veledae auctoritas adolevit; nam 'prosperas Germanis res et excidium legionum' praedixerat. In 4, 65, when the people of Cologne were making an alliance with the Tencteri they made the offer: Arbitrum habebimus Civilem et Veledam apud quos pacta sancientur. Sic lenitis Tencteris, legati ad Civilem et Veledam missi cum donis, cuncta ex voluntate Agrippinensium perpetravere. Sed coram adire, alloquique Veledam negatum. Arcebantur aspectu, quo venerationis plus inesset. Ipsa edita in turre; delectus e propinquis consulta responsaque ut internuntius numinis portabat. 5, 22: Praetoriam triremen flumine Luppia donum Veledae traxere. 5, 25; Veledam propinquosque monebat. Her captivity was probably related in the lost chapters of the fifth book. (11) This Veleda had been preceded by others: Sed et olim Auriniam (hardly a translation of any Teutonic name, such as the ON. Gullveig, gold-cup; some have guessed Aliruna, Ölrûn, Albruna) et complures alias venerati sunt, non adulatione nec tamquam facerent deas, Germ. 8. A later one, named Ganna, is cited by Dio Cassius, 67, 5; (12) and in the year 577 Guntheramnus consulted a woman 'habentem spiritum phitonis, ut ei quae erant eventura narraret,' Greg. Tur. 5, 14 (in Aimoin 3, 22 she is mulier phytonissa, i.e. puqwnissa). One much later still, Thiota, who had come to Mentz out of Alamannia, is noticed in the Annals of Fulda, anno 847 (Pertz 1, 365). (13) As Cassandra foretold the fall of Troy, our prophetesses predict the end of the world (v. infra); and Tacitus Ann. 14, 32 speaks of British druidesses in these words: Feminae in furore turbatae adesse exitium canebant; conf. 14, 30. But we have the sublimest example before us in the Völuspâ (see Suppl.).

Those grayhaired, barefooted Cimbrian priestesses in Strabo (v. supra, p. 55) in white robe and linen doublet, begirt with brazen clasps, slaughtering the prisoners of war and prophesying from their blood in the sacrificial cauldron, appear as frightful witches by the side of the Bructerian Maid; together with divination they exercise the priestly office. Their minutely described apparel, we may suppose, resembled that of the priests.

While in Tac. Germ. 40 it is a priest that attends the goddess, and guides the team of kine in her car; in the North conversely, we have handmaids waiting upon gods. From a remarkable story in the Olaf Tryggv. saga (Fornm. sög. 2, 73 seq.), which the christian composer evidently presents in an odious light, we at all events gather that in Sweden a virgin attended the car of Freyr on its travels among the people; Frey var fengin til þionosto kona ung ok frið (into Frey's service was taken a woman young and fair), and she is called kona Freys. Otherwise a priestess is called gyðja, hofgyðja, corresponding to goði, hofgoði; (14) see Turiðr hofgyðja, Islend. sög. 1, 205. þorlaug gyðja, Landn. 1, 21. Steinvör and Fridgerðr, Sagabibl. 1, 99. 3, 268.

But the Norse authorities likewise dwell less on the priestly functions of women, than on their higher gift, as it seems, of divination: Perita augurii femina, Saxo Gramm. 121. Valdamarr konûngr âtti môður miök gamla ok örvasa, svâ at hun lâ î rekkju, en þo var hun framsýn af Fîtons anda, sem margir heiðnir menn (King V. had a mother very old and feeble, so that she lay in bed, and there was she seized by a spirit of Python, like many heathen folk), Fornm. sög. 1, 76. Of like import seems to be a term which borders on the notion of a higher and supernatural being, as in the case of Veleda; and that is dîs (nympha, numen). It may be not accidental, that the spâkona in several instances bears the proper name Thôrdîs (Vatnsd. p. 186 seq. Fornm. sög. 1, 255. Islend. sög. 1, 140. Kormakkss. p. 204 seq.); dîs however, a very early word, which I at one time connected with the Gothic filudeisei (astutia, dolus), appears to be no other than our OHG. itis, OS. idis, AS. ides (femina, nympha).

As famous and as widely spread was the term völva, (15) which first denotes any magic-wielding soothsayeress (Vatnsd. p. 44. Fornm. sög. 3, 214. Fornald. sög. 2, 165-6. 506), and is afterwards attached to a particular mythic Völva, of whom one of the oldest Eddic songs, the Völuspâ, treats. Either völu stands here for völvu, or the claim of the older form Vala may be asserted; to each of them would correspond an OHG. Walawa or Wala, which suggests the Walada above, being only derived in a different way. In the saga Eiriks rauða we come upon Thorbiörg, the little Vala (Edda Sæm. Hafn. 3, 4).

Heiðr is the name not only of the völva in the Edda (Sæm. 4, conf. 118) but also of the one in the Orvarodssaga (conf. Sagabibl. 3, 155).

Hyndla (canicula) is a prophetess that rides on wolves, and dwells in a cave.

I guess also that the virgins Thorgerðr and Irpa (Fornm. sög. 2, 108. 3, 100. 11, 134-7. 142. 172), to whom all but divine honours were paid, and the title of hörgabrûðr (nympha lucorum) and even the name of guð (numen) was accorded, Nialss. cap. 89, are not to be excluded from this circle. So in the valkyrs, beside their godhood, there resides somewhat of the priestly, e.g. their virginity (see ch. XVI and Suppl.).

We shall return to these 'gleg' and 'wise' women (and they have other names besides), who, in accordance with a deeply marked feature of our mythology, trespass on the superhuman. Here we had to set forth their connexion with sacrifice, divination and the priesthood.


1. Strictly the Evangelist; the translator had no choice. Trans.

                2. For the sense of perpetuity attaching to sin- in composition, see Gramm. 2, 554-5.

                3. If haruc meant wood or rock, and harugari priest, they are very like the Ir. and Gael. carn, cairn, and cairneac priest. O'Brien 77.

                4. Parz. 457, 2. 458, 25. 460, 19. 476, 23. 487, 23. The gôdo gumo, Hel. 4, 16 is said of John; ther guato man, O. ii. 12, 21. 49 of Nicodemus; in Ulrich's Lanzelot, an abbot is styled der guote man, 4613. 4639. conf. 3857, 4620 êwarte, 4626 priester. But with this is connected diu guote frouwe (v. infra), i.e. originally bona socia, so that in the good man also there peeps out something heathenish, heretical. In the great Apologue, the cricket is a clergyman, and is called (Ren. 8125) preudoms and Frobert = Fruotbert (see Suppl.)

                5. Libes might be Leip, Lêb, O.N. Leifr, Goth. Láibs? A var. lect. has Aibuj.

                6. Just as the Catholic clergy furnished as well the props as the opponents of the Reformation. The notable example of a heathen priest abjuring his ancient faith, and even putting forth his hand to destroy the temple he had once held sacred, has been quoted from Beda on p. 82. This priest was an English, not a British one, though Beda, evidently for the mere purpose of more exactly marking his station, designates him by a Gaelic word Coifi (choibi, choibhidh, cuimhi, see Jamieson, supplement sub. v. coivie, archdruid). Coifi is not a proper name, even in Gaelic; and it is incredible that Eadwine king of Northumbria should have adopted the British religion, and maintained a British priest.

                7. Ed. Würdtw. 82. Serr. 140: Pro sacrilegis itaque presbyteris, ut scripsisti, qui tauros et hircos diis paganorum immolabant, manducantes sacrificia mortuorum ........modo vero incognitum esse, utrum baptizantes trinitatem dixissent an non, &c.

Connect with this the presbyter Jovi mactans, Ep. 25.

                8. The MHG. poets still bestow on hermits and monks the epithets gotes friunt, gotes degen (þegn, warrior). In the Renner 24587, St. Jost is called heiliger gotes kneht (chiht, servant). [See however 'servus dei, famulus dei' passim in the lives of saints].

                9. This î is become ei in our weissager, MHG. wissage for wîzege; equally erroneous is our verb weissagen, MHG. wîssagen, Iw. 3097 (OHG. wizagôn, AS. wîtegian).

                10. A wild force of phantasy, and the state called clairvoyance, have shown themselves preeminently in women.

                11. Statius silv. I. 4, 90: Captivaeque preces Veledae; he scans the first two syllables as short, which seems more correct than Dio's Belhda. Zeuss 436 thinks Beleda, Belida = Vilida. Graff has a n. prop. Wallodu 1, 800. I would suggest the Gothic fem. name Valadamarca in Jornandes cap. 48, and the Thuringian name of a place Walada in Pertz I. 308.

                12. Ganna (al. Gauna) parwenoj meta thn belhdan en th Keltikh Qeiazousa. conf. the masc. name Gannascus in Ann. 11, 18. 19; the fem. Ganna, dat. Gannane, in a Lothr. urk., as late as 709, Don Calmet, ed. 1728, tom. 1. preuves p. 265.

                13. Traditions, which Hubertus Thomas of Lüttich, private secretary to the Elector Palatine, according to his book De Tungris et Eburonibus 1541, professes to have received from an antiquary Joan. Berger out of an old book (libello vetustissimis characteribus descripto), and which he gives in his treatise De Heidelbergae antiquitatibus, relate as follows: Quo tempore Velleda virgo in Bruchteris imperitabat, vetula quaedam, cui nomen Jettha, eum collem, ubi nunc est arx Heidelbergensis et Jetthae collis etiam nunc nomen habet, inhabitabat, vetustissimumque phanum incolebat, cujus fragmenta adhuc nuper vidimus, dum comes palatinus Fridericus factus elector egregiam domum construxit, quam novam aulam appellant. Haec mulier valiciniis inclyta, et quo venerabilior foret, raro in conspectum hominum prodiens, volentibus consilium ab ea petre, de fenestra, non prodeunte vultu, respondebat. Et inter cetera praedixit, ut inconditis versibus canebat, suo colli a fatis essu datum, ut futuris temporibus regiis viris, quos nominatim recensebat, inhabitaretur et templis celeberrimis ornaretur. Sed ut tandem fabulosae antiquitati valedicamus, lubet adscribere quae is liber de infelici morte ipsius Jetthae continebat. Egressa quondam amoenissimo tempore phanum, ut deambulatione recrearetur, progrediebatur juxta montes, donec pervenit in locum, quo montes intra convallem declinant et multis locis scaturiebant pulcherrimi fontes, quibus vehementer illa coepit delectari, et assidens ex illis bibebat, cum ecce lupa famelica cum catulis e silva prorupit, quae conspectam mulierem nequicquam divos invocantem dilaniat et frustatim discerpsit, quae casu suo fonti nomen dedit, vocaturque quippe in hodiernum diem fons luporum ob amoenitatem loci omnibus notus. It is scarcely worth while trying to settle how much in this may be genuine tradition, and how much the erudition of the 16th century foisted in, to the glorification of the new palace at Heidelberg (= Heidberg); the very window on the hill would seem to have been copied from Veleda's tower, though Brynhild too resides upon her rock, and has a high tower (Völs. saga, cap. 20, 24, 25; conf. Menglöð, OHG. Maniklata?) on the rock, with nine virgins at her knees (Sæm. 110. 111). If the enchantress's name were Heida instead of Jettha, it would suit the locality better, and perhaps be an echo of the ON. Heidðr.

                14. Can our götte, goth for godmother (taufpathin, susceptrix e sacro fonte) be the survival of an old heathen term? Morolt 3184 has gode of the baptized virgin.

                15. The Slavic volkhv magus. Trans.




                p. 88. ) Religion is in Greek eusebeia and qrhskeia (conf. qrhskeuw , p. 107). kat eusebeian = pie, Lucian 5, 277. Religio = iterata lectio, conf. intelligere, Lobeck's Rhematicon p. 65. It is rendered in OHG. glosses by heit, Hattemer 1, 423; gote-dehti devotio, cote-dehtigi devout, anadaht intentio, attentio, Graff 5, 163. Pietas, peculiarly, by 'heim-minna unde mâg-minna,' Hatt. 1, 423. Crêdischeit, Servat. 762, is sham-piety, conf. p. 35n. 'Dîs fretus' in Plaut. Cas. 2, 5 = Gote forahtac, O. i. 15, 3.

                p. 88. ) Gudja, goði, seems to be preserved in the AS. proper name, Goda. Kemble 1, 242. For arciereuj, Ulph. has auhumists gudja, Matt. 27, 62. Mk. 8, 31; but auhumists veiha, Joh. 18, 13. The priest hallows and is hallowed (p. 93), conf. the consecration and baptism of witches. Göndul consecrates: nû vîgi ek þik undir öll þau atkvaeði ok skildaga, sem Oðinn fyrimaelti, Fornald. sög. 1, 402. The words in Lactant. Phoenix, 'antistes nemorum, luci veneranda sacerdos,' are rendered by the AS. poet: bearwes bigenga, wudubearwes weard 207, 27. 208, 7. The priest stands before God, enanti tou qeou, Luke 1, 8: giangi furi Got, O. i. 4, 11. The monks form 'daz Gotes her,' army, Reinh. F. 1023. The Zendic âthrava, priest, Bopp Comp. Gram. 42. Spiegel's Avesta 2, vi. means fire-server, from âtars fire, Dat. âthrê. Pol. xiadz priest, prop. prince or sacrificer, Linde 2, 1164b; conf. Sansk. xi govern, kill, xaja dominans.

                p. 89. ) Ewart priest: ein êwart der abgote, Barl. 200, 22. Pass. 329, 56, etc. êwarde, En. 244, 14. prêster und ir êwe mêster 243, 20.

                p. 89n. ) Zacharias is a fruod gomo, Hel. 2, 24. Our kluger mann, kluge frau, still signify one acquainted with secret powers of nature; so the Swed. 'de klokar,' Fries udfl. 108.

The phrase 'der guote man' denotes espec. a sacred calling: that of a priest, Marienleg. 60, 40, a bishop, Pass. 336, 78, a pilgrim, Uolr. 91. Nuns are guote frowen, Eracl. 735. klôster und guote liute, Nib. 1001, 2, etc. die goede man, the hermit in Lanc. 4153-71. 16911-8, etc. So the Scot. 'gudeman's croft' above; but the name Gutmans-hausen was once Wôtenes-hûsen (Suppl. to 154). Bons-hommes are heretics, the Manichæans condemned at the Council of Cambery 1165; buonuomini, Macchiav. Flor. 1, 97. 158. The shepherds in O. i. 12, 17 are guotê man. Engl. goodman is both householder and our biedermann. Grôa is addressed as gôð kona, Sæm. 97a; in conjuring: Alrûn, du vil guote (p. 1202 n.).

                p. 89. ) Christian also, though of Germ. origin, seems the OHG. heit-haft sacerdos, from heit = ordo; hence, in ordinem sacrum receptus. MHG. heithafte liute, sacerdotes, Fundgr. 1, 94; conf. eithafte herren, Ksrchr. 11895. AS. geþungen, reverend, and espec. religiosus, Homil. p. 344.

                p. 90.) Agathias 2, 6 expressly attributes to the heathen Alamanns of the 6th cent. diviners (manteij and crhsmologoi) (1), who dissuade from battle; and princes in the Mid. Ages still take clergymen into the field with them as counsellors: abbates pii, scioli bene consiliarii, Rudl. 2, 253. Ordeals are placed under priestly authority, Sæm. 237-8. In the popular assembly the priests enjoin silence and attention: silentium per sacerdotes, quibus tum et coërcendi jus est, imperatur, Germ. 11. In addition to what is coll. in Haupt's Ztschr. 9, 127 on 'lust and unlust,' consider the tacitus precari of the Umbr. spell, and the opening of the Fastnachts-spiele.

                p. 91. ) The Goth. þrôþjan, ûsþrôþjan transl. muein initiare, and gumnazein, exercere GDS. 819; may it not refer to some sacred function of heathen priests, and be connected with the Gallic druid (p. 1036 n.), or rather with þrûðr (p. 423)? Was heilac said of priests and priestesses? conf. 'heilac huat,' cydaris, Graff 4, 874; Heilacflât, Cod. Lauresh. 1, 578; Heilacbrunno, p. 587; Heiligbär, p. 667-8. Priests take part in the sacrificial feast, they consecrate the cauldron: sentu at Saxa Sunnmanna gram, hann kann helga hver vellanda, Sæm. 238a; so Peter was head-cook of heaven, Lat. ged. des MA. p. 336. 344. Priests maintain the sacred beasts, horses and boars, Herv.-s. cap. 14; conf. RA. 592. In beating the bounds they seem to have gone before and pointed out the sacred stones, as the churchwardens did afterwards; they rode especially round old churches, in whose vaults an idol was supposed to lie. Priests know the art of quickening the dead, Holtzm. 3, 145. They have also the gifts of healing and divination: iatromantij, Æsch. Suppl. 263.

                p. 91. ) In many Aryan nations the priestly garment is white. Graecus augur pallio candido velatus, Umber et Romanus trabea purpurea amictus, Grotef. inscr. Umbr. 6, 13. Roman priests and magistrates have white robes; see the picture of the flamen dialis in Hartung 1, 193. Schwenck 27; amictus veste alba sevir et praetor, Petron. 65. The Cimbrian priestesses in Strabo are leuceimonej (p. 55-6), and the Gothic priests in Jorn. cap. 10 appear in candidis vestibus. The Gallic druids are arrayed in white (p. 1206), the priest of Gerovit in snow-white, Sefridi v. Ottonis p. 128 (Giesebr. Wend. gesch. 1, 90). In the Mid. Ages too white robes belong to holy women, nuns. die goede man met witten clederen, Lanc. 22662-70.

                The Gothic pileati (Kl. schr. 3, 227. GDS. 124) remind us of the 'tria genera pileorum, quibus sacerdotes utuntur: apex, tutulus, galerus' in Suetonii fragm. p. m. 335. The picture of a bearded man in Stälin 1, 161-2, is perhaps meant for a priest. The shaven hair of Christian and Buddhist monks and nuns is probably a badge of servitude to God; GDS. 822.

                p. 91. ) Snorri goði, like the AS. coifi, rides on a mare, Eyrbygg. s. 34; and the flamen dialis must not mount any kind of horse, Klausen Æn. 1077. Hartung 1, 194. Possibly even the heathen priests were not allowed to eat things with blood, but only herbs. Trevrizent digs up roots, and hangs them on bushes, Parz. 485, 21; in a similar way do Wilhelm the saint and Waltharius eke out thier lives, Lat. ged. d. MA. p. 112.

                p. 92. ) Among gestures traceable to priestly rites, I reckon especially this, that in the vindicatio of a beast the man had to lift up his right hand or lay it on, while his left grasped the animal's right ear. The posture at hammer-throwing seems to be another case in point, RA. 65-6. GDS. 124-5. -

Kemble 1, 278 thinks coifi is the AS. ceofa, diaconus.

                p. 93. ) Christian priests also are called 'God's man, child, kneht, scalc, deo, diu, wine, trut,' or 'dear to God,' conf. Mannhardt in Wolf's Ztschr. 3, 143. Gotes man (Suppl. to p. 20-1). Gotes kint = priest, Greg. 1355. Reinh. 714; or = pilgrim, as opp. to welt-kind (worldling), Trist. 2625. der edle Gotes kneht, said of Zacharias and John, Pass. 346, 24. 349, 23. 60; of the pilgrim, Trist. 2638. Gotes rîter, Greg. 1362. ein wârer Gotis scalc, Ksrchr. 6071. OHG. Gota-deo, Gotes-deo, fem. –diu (conf. ceile De, culde, servant of God, Ir. sag. 2, 476). der Gotes trût, Pass. 250, 91. Among the Greek priests were agciqeoi, Lucian dea Syr. 31; conf. the conscii deorum, Tac. Germ. 10. Amphiaraus is beloved of Zeus and Apollo, i.e. he is mantij. On his death Apollo appoints another of the same family, Od. 15, 245. 253.

                p. 93. ) If priesthood could be hereditary, the Norse goði must have been free to marry, like the episcopus and diaconus of the early Christians (1 Tim. 3, 2. 12) and the Hindu Brahmin. Not so the Pruss. waidlot or waidler, Nesselm. p. xv. and p. 141. To appoint to the priesthood is in ON. signa goðom, or gefa, though the latter seems not always to imply the priestly office: þeir voro gumnar goðum signaðir, Sæm. 117b. gefinn Oðni, Fornm. sög. 2, 168. enn gaf hann (Brandr) guðunum, ok var hann kallaðr Guð-branar, Fornald. sög. 2, 6; his son is Guðmundr, and his son again Guðbrandr (= OHG. Gota-beraht) 2, 7. Does this account for divination being also hereditary (p. 1107)?

                p. 93. ) The god had part of the spoils of war and hunting (p. 42), priest and temple were paid their dues, whence tithes arose: hof-tollr is the toll due to a temple, Fornm. s. 1, 268. On priestly dwellings see GDS. 125.

                p. 94. ) German divination seems to have been in request even at Rome: haruspex ex Germania missus (Domitiano), Suet. Domit. 16. Soothsayers, whom the people consulted in particular cases even after the conversion, were a remnant of heathen priests and priestesses. The Lex Visig. vi. 2, 1: 'ariolos, aruspices, vaticinantes consulere,' and 5: 'execrabiles divinorum pronuntiationes intendere, salutis aut aegritudinis responsa poscere.' Liutpr. 6, 30: 'ad ariolos vel ariolas pro responsis accipiendis ambulare,' and 31: 'in loco ubi arioli vel ariolae fuerint.'

                The ON. spâ-maðr is called râð-spakr, Sæm. 175a, or fram-vîss like the prophet Grîpir 172a. þû fram um sêr 175a,b. farit er þaz ek forvissac 175a. þû öll um sêr orlög for 176b. Grîpir lýgr eigi 177b. Gevarus rex, divinandi doctissimus, industria praesagiorum excultus, Saxo Gram. p. 115. (conf. p. 1034. 1106). The notion of oraculum (what is asked and obtained of the gods), vaticinium, divinatio, is expr. by ON. frêtt: frêttir sögðu, Sæm. 93a. frêtta beiddi, oracula poposci 94a. geck til frêttar, Yngl. 21 (Grk. crasqai tw qew, inquire of the god). Conf. frêhtan, Suppl. to p. 37; OHG. freht meritum, frehtîc meritus, sacer; AS. fyrht in Leg. Canuti, Thorpe p. 162.

                p. 95. ) German women seem to have taken part in sacrifices (p. 56n.); women perform sacrifice before the army of the Thracian Spartacus (B.C. 67), who had Germans under him, Plutarch Crass. c. 11. The Romans excluded women, so do the Cheremisses, p. 1235-6, the Lapps and the Boriâts, Klemm 3, 87. 111-3.

                p. 95-6. ) A druias Gallicana vaticinans is mentioned by Vopiscus in Aurel. 44, in Numer. 13-4; by Lampridius in Alex. Sev. 60. Drusus is met by a species barbarae mulieris humana amplior, Suet. Claud. c. 1. Dio Cass. 55, 1. Chatta mulier vaticinans Suet. Vitel. c. 14. Veleda receives gifts: Mumius Lupercus inter dona missus Veledae, Tac. Hist. 4, 61. A modern folktale brings her in as a goddess, Firmenich 1, 334-5. On Albruna conf. Hpt's Ztschr. 9, 240. Of Jettha it is told in the Palatinate, that she sought out and hewed a stone in the wood: whoever sets foot on the fairy stone, becomes a fixture, he cannot get away, Nadler p. 125. 292. Like Pallas, she is a founder of cities. Brynhild, like Veleda, has her hall on a mountain, and sits in her tower, Völs. s. cap. 25. Hother visits prophetesses in the waste wood, and then enlightens the folk in edito montis vertice, Saxo Gram. p. 122. The white lady of princely houses appears on a tower of the castle. The witte Dorte lives in the tower, Mullenh. p. 344. When misfortune threatens the Pedaseans, their priestess gets a long beard, Herod. 1, 175. 8, 104. Women carve and read runes: Kostbera kunni skil rûna, Sæm. 252a, reist rûna 252b. Orný reist rûnar â kefli, Fornm. s. 3, 109. 110 (she was born dumb, p. 388). In the Mid. Ages also women are particularly clever at writing and reading. RA. 583.

                p. 98. ) To the Norse prophetesses add Grôa völva, Sn. 110, and Göndul, a valkyr, Fornald. s. 1, 398. 402, named appar. from gandr, p. 1054. 420. Thorgerðr and Irpa are called both hörga-brûðr, temple-maid, and Hölga-brûðr after their father Hölgi, p. 114. 637. A Slav pythonissa carries her sieve in front of the army, p. 1111-2; others in Saxo Gram. 827; conf. O. Pruss. waidlinne, Nesselm. pref. 15.




1. The mantij interprets dreams, entrails, flights of birds, but is no speaker of oracles, crhsmologoj, Paus. i. 34, 3. (In Plato's Timæus 72B, mantij (fr. mainomai) is the inspired speaker of oracles. )







Now, I think, we are fully prepared for the inquiry, whether real gods can be claimed for Germany in the oldest time. All the branches of our language have the same general name for deity and have retained it to the present day; all, or at any rate most of them, so far as the deficiency of documents allows the chain of evidence to be completed, show the same or but slightly varying terms for the heathen notions of worship, sacrifice, temples and priesthood. Above all there shines forth an unmistakable analogy between the Old Norse terminology and the remains, many centuries older, of the other dialects: the Norse æsir, blôta, hörgr, goði were known long before, and with the same meanings, to the Goths, Alamanns, Franks and Saxons. And this identity or similarity extends beyond the words to the customs themselves: in sacred groves the earliest human and animal victims were offered, priests conducted sacrifices and divinations, 'wise women' enjoyed all but divine authority.

The proof furnished by the sameness of language is of itself sufficient and decisive. When the several divisions of a nation speak one and the same language, then, so long as they are left to their own nature and are not exposed to violent influences from without, they always have the same kind of belief and worship.

The Teutonic race lies midway between Celts, Slavs, Lithuanians, Finns, all of them populations that acknowledge gods, and practise a settled worship. The Slav nations, spread over widely distant regions, have their principal gods in common; how should it be otherwise in Teutondom?

As for demanding proofs of the genuineness of Norse mythology, we have really got past that now. All criticism cripples and annihilates itself, that sets out with denying or doubting what is treasured up in song and story born alive and propagated amongst an entire people, and which lies before our eyes. Criticism can but collect and arrange it, and unfold the materials in their historical sequence.

Then the only question that can fairly be raised, is: Whether the gods of the North, no longer disputable, hold good for the rest of Teutondom? To say yea to the question as a whole, seems, from the foregoing results of our inquiry, altogether reasonable and almost necessary.

A negative answer, if it knew what it was about, would try to maintain, that the circle of Norse gods, in substance, were formerly common to all Germany, but by the earlier conversion were extinguished and annihilated here. But a multitude of exceptions and surviving vestiges would greatly limit the assertion, and materially alter what might be made out of the remainder.

In the meanwhile a denial has been attempted of quite another kind, and the opinion upheld, that those divinities have never existed at all in Germany proper, and that its earliest inhabitants knew nothing better than a gross worship of nature without gods.

This view, drawing a fundamental distinction between German and Scandinavian heathenism, and misapprehending all the clues which discover themselves to unprejudiced inquiry as infallible evidence of the unity of two branches of a nation, lays special stress upon a few statements on the nature of the heathen faith, dating from about the sixth century and onwards. These for the most part proceed from the lips of zealous christians, who did not at all concern themselves to understand or faithfully portray the paganism they were assailing, whose purpose was rather to set up a warning against the grosser manifestations of its cultus as a detestable abomination. It will be desirable to glance over the principal passages in their uniformity and one-sidedness.

Agathias (d. before 582), himself a newly converted Greek, who could only know from christianity coloured reports what he had heard about the distant Alamanns, thus exhibits the Alamannic worship as opposed to the Frankish: dendra te gur tina iluskontai kai reiqra potumwn kai lofouj kai toutoij wsper osia drwntej 28, 4. Then follow the words quoted on p. 47 about their equine sacrifices.

But his contrast to the Franks breaks down at once, when we hear almost exactly the same account of them from the lips of their first historian Gregory: Sed haec generatio fanaticis semper cultibus visa est obsequium praebuisse, nec prorsus agnovere Deum, sibique silvarum atque aquarum, avium bestiarumque et aliorum quoque elementorum finxere formas, ipsasque ut deum colere eisque sacrificia delibare consueti. Greg. Tur. 2, 10. Similarly, Einhard (Æginhard) in Vita Caroli cap. 7, about the Saxons: Sicut omnes fere Germaniam incolentes nationes et natura feroces et cultui daemonum dediti, nostraeque religioni contrarii.

Ruodolf of Fuld, after quoting Tacitus and Einhard, adds (Pertz 2, 676): Nam et frondosis arboribus fontibusque venerationem exhibebant; (1) and then mentions the Irminsûl, which I shall deal with hereafter (see Suppl.).

Lastly, Helmold 1, 47 affirms of the Holsteiners:

Nihil de religione nisi nomen tantum christianitatis habentes; nam lucorum et fontium ceterarumque superstitionum multiplex error apud eos habetur Vicelinus..lucos et omnes ritus sacrilegos destruens, &c.'

Conceived in exactly the same spirit are the prohibitions of heathenish and idolatrous rites in decrees of councils and in laws. Concil. Autissiod. anno 586, can. 3: Non licet inter sentes aut ad arbores sacrivos vel ad fontes vota exsolvere; conf. Concil. Turon. II. anno 566, can. 22.

Leges Liutpr. 6, 30: Simili modo et qui ad arborem, quam rustici sanguinum (al. sanctivam, sacrivam) vocant, atque ad fontanas adoraverit.

Capit. de partibus Sax. 20: Si quis ad fontes aut arbores vel lucos votum fecerit, aut aliquid more gentilium obtulerit et ad honorem daemonum comederit. And the converters, the christian clergy, had for centuries to pour out their wrath against the almost ineradicable folly.

It is sufficient merely to allude to the sermons of Caesarius episcopus Arelatensis (d. 542) 'Contra sacrilegos et aruspices, contra kalendarum quoque paganissimos ritus, contraque augures lignicolas, fonticolas,' Acta Bened. sec. 1, p. 668.

All these passages contain, not an untruth, yet not the whole truth. That German heathenism was destitute of gods, they cannot possibly prove, for one thing, because they all date from periods when heathenism no longer had free and undisturbed sway, but had been hotly assailed by the new doctrine, and was wellnigh overmastered. The general exercise of it had ceased, isolated partizans cherished it timidly in usages kept up by stealth; at the same time there were christians who in simplicity or error continued to practise superstitious ceremonies by the side of christian ones. Such doings, not yet extinct here and there among the common people, but withdrawn from all regulating guidance by heathen priests, could not fail soon to become vulgarized, and to appear as the mere dregs of an older faith, which faith we have no right to measure by them. As we do not fail to recognise in the devils and witches of more modern times the higher purer fancies of antiquity disguised, just as little ought we to feel any scruple about tracing back the pagan practices in question to the untroubled fountainhead of the olden time. Prohibitions and preachings kept strictly to the practical side of the matter, and their very purpose was to put down these last hateful remnants of the false religion. A sentence in Cnut's AS. laws (Schmid 1, 50) shows, that fountain and tree worship does not exclude adoration of the gods themselves: Hæðenscipe bið, þæt man deofolgild weorðige, þæt is, þæt man weorðige hæðene godas, and sunnan oððe mônan, fýre oððe flôðwæter, wyllas oððe stânas oððe æniges cynnes wudutreowa; conf. Homil. 1, 366. Just so it is said of Olaf the Saint, Fornm sög. 5, 239, that he abolished the heathen sacrifices and gods: Ok mörg önnur (many other) blôtskapar skrîmsl, bæði hamra ok hörga, skôga, vötn ok trê ok öll önnur blôt, bæði meiri ok minni.

But we can conceive of another reason too, why on such occasions the heathen gods, perhaps still unforgotten, are passed over in silence: christian priests avoided uttering their names or describing their worship minutely. It was thought advisable to include them all under the general title of demons or devils, and utterly uproot their influence by laying an interdict on whatever yet remained of their worship. The Merseburg poems show how, by way of exception, the names of certain gods were still able to transmit themselves in formulas of conjuring.

Pictures of heathenism in its debasement and decay have no right to be placed on a level with the report of it given by Tacitus from five to eight centuries before, when it was yet in the fulness of its strength. If the adoration of trees and rivers still lingering in the habits of the people no longer bears witness to the existence of gods, is it not loudly enough proclaimed in those imperfect and defective sketches by a Roman stranger? When he expressly tells us a deus terra editus, of heroes and descendents of the god (plures deo ortos), of the god who rules in war (velut deo imperante), of the names of gods (deorum nominibus) which the people transferred to sacred groves, of the priest who cannot begin a divination without invoking the gods (precatus deos) and who regards himself as a servant of the gods (ministros deorum), of a regnator omnium deus, of the gods of Germany (Germaniae deos in aspectu, Hist. 5, 17), of the diis patriis to whom the captured signa Romana were hung up (Ann. 1, 59); when he distinguishes between penetrales Germaniae deos or dii penates (Ann. 2, 10. 11, 16), communes dii (Hist. 4, 64), and conjugales dii (Germ. 18); when he even distinguishes individual gods, and tries to suit them with Roman names, and actually names (interpretatione Romana) a Mars, Mercurius, Hercules, Castor and Pollux, Isis, nay, has preserved the German appellations of the deus terra editus and of his son, and a goddess, the terra mater; how is it possible to deny that at that time the Germans worshipped veritable gods? How is it possible, when we take into account all the rest that we know of the language, the liberty, the manners, and virtues of the Germani, to maintain the notion that, sunk in a stolid fetishism, they cast themselves down before logs and puddles, and paid to them their simple adoration?

The opinion of Cæsar, (2) who knew the Germans more superficially than Tacitus a hundred and fifty years later, cannot be allowed to derogate from the truth. He wants to contrast our ancestors with the Gauls, with whom he had had more familiar converse; but the personifications of the sun, fire, and the moon, to which he limits the sum total of their gods, will hardly bear even a forced 'interpretatio Romana'. If in the place of sun and moon we put Apollo and Diana, they at once contradict that deeply rooted peculiarity of the Teutonic way of thinking, which conceives of the sun as a female, and of the moon as a male being, which could not have escaped the observation of the Roman, if it had penetrated deeper. And Vulcan, similar to the Norse Loki, but one of those divinities of whom there is least trace to be found in the rest of Teutondom, had certainly less foundation than the equally visible and helpful deities of the nourishing earth, and of the quickening, fish-teeming, ship-sustaining water. I can only look upon Cæsar's statements as a half-true and roughcast opinion, which, in the face of the more detailed testimony of Tacitus, hardly avails to cast a doubt on other gods, much less to prove a bare worship of elements among the Germans.

All the accounts that vouch for the early existence of individual gods, necessarily testify at the same time to their great number and their mutual relationship. When Procopius ascribes a poluj qewn omiloj to the Heruli, this 'great host' must also be good for the Goths, just those of whom we know the fewest particulars, and for all the Germans together. Jornandes would have us believe that Diceneus was the first to make the Goths acquainted with gods, cap. 11: Elegit ex eis tunc nobilissimos prudentiores viros, quos theologiam instruens numina quaedam et sacella venerari suasit; here evidently we see the ruler who promoted the service of particular gods. But that Jornandes himself credited his Goths with unmistakably native gods, is plain from cap. 10: Unde et sacerdotes Gothorum aliqui, illi qui pii vocabantur, subito patefactis portis cum citharis et vestibus candidis obviam sunt egressi paternis diis, ut sibi propitii Macedones repellerent voce supplici modulantes. The fact here mentioned may even have been totally alien to the real Goths, but anyhow we gather from it the opinion of Jornandes. And if we also want evidence about a race lying quite at the opposite extremity of Germany, one that clung with great fidelity to their old-established faith, we have it in the Lex Frisionum, addit. tit. 13, where the subject is the penalty on temple-breakers: Immolatur diis quorum templa violavit.

We have now arrived at the following result. In the first century of our era the religion of the Germans rested mainly upon gods; a thousand or twelve hundred years later, among the northern section of the race, which was the last to exchange the faith of its fathers for a new one, the old system of gods is preserved the most perfectly. Linked by language and unbroken tradition to either extremity of heathenism, both its first appearance in history and its fall, stands central Germany from the fifth to the ninth century. During this period the figures of the heathen gods, in the feeble and hostile light thrown upon them by the reports of recent converts, come before us faded and indistinct, but still always as gods.

I must here repeat, that Tacitus knows no simulacrum of German gods, no image (3) moulded in human shape; what he had stated generally in cap. 9, he asserts of a particular case in cap. 43, and we have no ground for disbelieving his assertion. the existence of real statues at that time in Germany, at least in the parts best known to them, would hardly have escaped the researches of the Romans. He knows of nothing but signa and formas, apparently carved and coloured, which were used in worship as symbols, and on certain occasions carried about; probably they contained some reference to the nature and attributes of the several deities. The model of a boat, signum in modum liburnae figuratum (cap. 9), betokened the god of sailing, the formae aprorum (cap. 45) the god to whom the boar was consecrated; and in the like sense are to be taken the ferarum imagines on trees and at certain sacrifices (see Suppl.). The vehiculum veste contectum of the goddess Earth will be discussed further on.

The absence of statues and temples, considering the impotence of all artistic skill at the period, is a favourable feature of the German cultus, and pleasing to contemplate. But it by no means follows that in the people's fancy the gods were destitute of a form like the human; without this, gods invested with all human attributes, and brought into daily contact with man, would be simply inconceivable. If there was any German poetry then in existence, which I would sooner assert than deny, how should the poets have depicted their god but with a human aspect?

Attempts to fashion images of gods, and if not to carve them out of wood or stone, at least to draw and paint them, or quite roughly to bake them of dought (p. 63), might nevertheless be made at any period, even the earliest; it is possible too, that the interior parts of Germany, less accessible to the Romans, concealed here and there temples, statues and pictures. In the succeeding centuries, however, when temples were multiplied, images also, to fill their spaces, may with the greatest probability be assumed.

The terminology, except where the words simulacra, imagines, which leave no room for doubt, are employed, makes use of several terms whose meaning varies, passing from that of temple to that of image, just as we saw the meaning of grove mixed up with that of numen. If, as is possible, that word alah originally meant rock or stone (p. 67), it might easily, like haruc and wih, melt into the sense of altar and statue, of ara, fanum, idolum. In this way the OHG. abcut, abcuti (Abgott, false god) does signify both fana and idola or statuae, Diut. 1, 497 513 515 533, just as our götze is at once the false god and his image and his temple (see above, p. 15. Gramm. 3, 694). Idolum must have had a similar ambiguity, where it is not expressly distinguished from delubrum, fanum and templum. In general phrases such as idola colere, odola adorare, idola destruere, we cannot be sure that images are meant, for just as often and with the same meaning we have adorare fana, destruere fana. Look at the following phrases taken from OHG. glosses: abcuti wîhero stetio, fana excelsorum, Diut. 1, 515. abcut in heilagêm stetim, fana in excelsis, Diut. 1, 213. steinînu zeihan inti abcuti, titulos et statuas et lucos, Diut. 1, 513. afgoda begangana, Lacombl. arch. 1, 11.

Saxo Gram. often uses simulacra for idols, pp. 249, 320-1-5-7. The statement in Aribonis vita S. Emmerammi (Acta sanct. Sept. 6, 483): 'tradidero te genti Saxonum, quae tot idolorum cultor existit' is undeniable evidence that the heathen Saxons in the 8th century served many false gods (Aribo, bishop of Freisingen in the years 764-783). The vita Lebuini, written by Hucbald between 918-976, says of the ancient numinibus suis vota solvens ac sacrificia ...simulacra quae deos esse putatis, quosque venerando colitis. Here, no doubt, statues must be meant (see Suppl.).

In a few instancs we find the nobler designation deus still employed, as it had been by Tacitus: Cumque idem rex (Eadwine in 625) gratias ageret diis suis pro nata sibi filia, Beda. 2, 9.

The following passages testify to visible representations of gods; they do not condescend to describe them, and we are content to pick up hints by the way.

The very earliest evidence takes us already into the latter half of the 4th century, but it is one of the most remarkable. Sozomen, Hist. eccl. 6, 37, mentions the manifold dangers that beset Ulphilas among the heathen Goths: While the barbarians were yet heathens (eti twn barbarwn ellhnikwj qrhskeuontwn)

ellhnikwj here means in heathen fashion, and qrhskeuein (to worship) is presently described more minutely, when the persecution of the Christians by Athanaric is related

Athanaric, having set the statue (evidently of the Gothic deity) on a waggon (xoanon ef armamaxhj estwj), ordered it to be carried round to the dwellings of those suspected of christianity; if they refused to fall down and sacrifice (proskunein kai quein), their houses were to be fired over their heads. By armamaxa is understood a covered carriage; is not this exactly the vehiculum veste contectum, in which the goddess, herself unseen, was carried about (Tac. Germ. 40)? Is it not the vagn in which Freyr and his priestess sat, when in holy days he journeyed round among the Swedish people (Fornm. sög. 2, 74-5)? The people used to carry about covered images of gods over the fields, by which fertility was bestowed upon them. (4) Even the karrâschen in our poems of the Mid. Ages, with Saracen gods in them, and the carroccio of the Lombard cities (RA. 263-5) seem to be nothing but a late reminiscence of these primitive gods'-waggons of heathenism. The Roman, Greek and Indian gods too were not without such carriages.

What Gregory of Tours tells us (2, 29-31) of the baptism of Chlodovich (Clovis) and the events that preceded it, is evidently touched up, and the speeches of the queen especially I take to be fictitious; yet he would hardly have put them in her mouth, if it were generally known that the Franks had no gods or statues at all. Chrothild (Clotilda) speaks thus to her husband, whom she is trying to prepossess in favour of baptism: Nihil sunt dii quos colitis, qui neque sibi neque aliis poterunt subvenire; sunt enim aut ex lapide aut ex ligno aut ex metallo aliquo sculpti, nomina vero, quae eis indidistis, homines fuere, non dii. Here she brings up Saturnus and Jupiter, with arguments drawn from classical mythology; and then: Quid Mars Mercuriusque potuere ? qui potius sunt magicis artibus praediti quam divini numinis potentiam habuere. Sed ille magis coli debet qui coelum et terram, mare et omnia quae in eis sunt, verbo ex non extantibus procreavit, &c. Sed cum haec regina diceret, nullatenus ad credendum regis animus movebatur, sed dicebat: Deorum nostrorum jussione cuncta creantur ac prodeunt; deus vero vester nihil posse manifestatur, et quod magis est, nec de deorum genere esse probatur (that sounds German enough!). When their little boy dies soon after receiving christian baptism, Chlodovich remarks: Si in nomine deorum meorum puer fuisset dicatus, vixisset utique; nunc autem, quia in nomine dei vestri baptizatus est, vivere omnino non potuit.

So detailed a report of Chlodovich's heathenism, scarcely a hundred years after the event, and from the mouth of a well instructed priest, would be absurd, if there were no truth at the bottom of it. When once Gregory had put his Latin names of gods in the place of the Frankish (in which he simply followed the views and fashion of his time), he would as a matter of course go on to surround those names with th appropriate Latin myths; and it is not to be overlooked , that the four deities named are all gods of the days of the week, the very kind which it was quite customary to identify with native gods. I think myself entitled therefore, to quote the passage as proving at least the existence of images of gods among the Franks (see Suppl.).

The narrative of an incident from the early part of the 7th century concerns Alamannia. Columban and St. Gallus in 612 came upon a seat of idolatry at Bregenz on the Lake of Constance: Tres ergo imagines aereas et deauratas superstitiosa gentilitas ibi colebat, quibus magis quam Creatori mundi vota reddenda credebat. So says the Vita S. Galli (Pertz 2, 7) written in the course of the next (8th) century. A more detailed account is given by Walafrid Strabo in his Vita S. Galli (acta Bened. sec. 2. p. 233)> Egressi de navicula oratorium in honore S. Aureliae constructum adierunt........Post orationem, cum per gyrum oculis cuncta lustrassent, placuit illis qualitas et situs locorum, deinde oratione praemissa circa oratorium mansiunculas sibi fecerunt. Repererunt autem in templo ires imagines aereas deauratas parieti affixas, (5) quas populus, dimisso altaris sacri cultu, adorabat, et oblatis sacrificiis dicere consuevit: isti sunt dii veteres et antiqui hujus loci tutores, quorum solatio et not et nostra perdurant usque in praesens.......Cumque ejusdem templi solemnitas ageretur, venit multitudo non minima promiscui sexus et aetatis, non tantum propter festivitatis honorem, verum etiam ad videndos peregrinos, quos cognoverant advenisse .Jussu venerandi abbatis (Columbani) Gallus coepit viam veritatis ostendere populo est in conspectu omnium arripiens simulacra, et lapidibus in frusta comminuens projecit in lacum. His visis nonnulli conversi sunt ad dominum.

Here is a strange jumble of heathen and christian worship. In an oratory built in honour of St. Aurelia, three heathen statues still stand against the wall, to which the people continue to sacrifice, without going near the christian altar: to them, these are still their old tutelary deities. After the evangelist has knocked the images to pieces and thrown them into the Lake Constance, a part of these heathen turn to Christianity. Probably in more places than one the earliest christian communities degenerated in like manner, owing to the preponderance of the heathen multitude and the supineness of the clergy. A doubt may be raised, however, as to whether by these heathen gods are to be understood Alamannish, or possibly Roman gods? Roman paganism in a district of the old Helvetia is quite conceivable, and dii tutores loci sounds almost like the very thing. On the other hand it must be remembered, that Alamanns had been settled here for three centuries, and any other worship than theirs could hardly be at that time the popular one. That sacrifice to Woden on the neighbouring Lake of Zurich (6) (supra, p. 56) mentioned by Jonas in his older biography of the two saints, was altogether German. Lastly, the association of three divinities to be jointly worshipped stands out a prominent feature in our domestic heathenism; when the Romans dedicated a temple to several deities, their images were not placed side by side, but in separate callea (chapels).

Ratpert (Casus S. Galli, Pertz 2, 61) seems to have confounded the two events, that on L. Zurick, and the subsequent one at Bregenz: Tucconiam (to Tuggen) advenerunt, quae est ad caput lacus Turicini, ubi cum consistere vellent, populumque ab errore demonum revocare (nam adhuc idolis immolabant). Gallo idola vana confringente et in lacum vicinum demergente, populus in iram conversus........sanctos exinde pepulerunt. Inde iter agentes pervenerunt ad castrum quod Arbona nuncupatur, juxta lacum potamicum, ibique a Willimaro presbytero honorifice suscepti, septem dies cum gaudio permanserunt. Qui a sanctis interrogatus, si sciret locum in solitudine illorum proposito congruum, ostendit eis locum jocundissimum ad inhabitandum nomine Grigantium. Ibique reperientes templum olim christianae religioni dedicatum, nunc autem demonum imaginibus pollutum, mundando et consecrando in pristinum restituerunt statum, atque pro statuis quas ejecerunt, sanctae Aureliae reliquias ibidem collocaverunt.

By this account also the temple is first of all christian, and afterwards occupied by the heathen (Alamanns), therefore not an old Roman one. That Woden's statue was one of those idola vana that were broken to pieces, may almost be inferred from Jona's account of the beer-sacrifice offered to him. Ratpert's contilena S. Galli has only the vague words: Castra de Turegum adnavigant Tucconium, Docent fidem gentem, Jovem linquunt ardentem. This Jupiter on fire, from whom the people apostatized, may very well be Donar (Thunar, Thor), but his statue is not alluded to. According to Arx (on Pertz 2, 61), Eckehardus IV. quotes 'Jovis et Neptuni idola,' but I cannot find the passage; conf. p. 122 Ermoldus Nigellus on Neptune. It is plain that the three statues have to do with the idolatry on L. Constance, not with that on L. Zurich; and if Mercury, Jupiter and Neptune stood there together, the first two at all events may be easily applied to German deities. In ch. VII, I will impart my conjecture about Neptune. But I think we may conclude from all this, that our tres imagines have a better claim to a German origin, than those imagines lapideae of the Luxovian forest, cited on p. 83. (7)

The chief authority for images of gods among the Saxons is the famous passage in Widekind of Corvei (1, 12), where he relates their victory over the Thuringians on the R. Unstrut (circ. 530), 'ut majorum memoria prodit' : Mane autem facto, ad orientalem portam (of castle Schidungen) ponunt aquilam, aramque victoriae construentes, secundum errorem paternum, sacra sua propria veneratione venerati sunt, nomine Martem, effgie columnarum imitantes Herculem, loco Solem quem Graeci appellant Appollinem. This important witness will have to be called up again in more than one connexion.

To the Corvei annals, at year 1145, where the Eresburg is spoken of, the following is added by a 12th century hand (Pertz 5, 8 note): Hec eadem Eresburg est corrupto vocabulo dicta, quam et Julius Cesar Romano imperio subegit, quando et Arispolis nomen habuit ab eo qui Aris Greca designatione ac Mars ipse dictus est Latino famine. Duobus siquidem idolis hec dedita fuit, id est Aris, qui urbis meniis insertus, quasi dominator dominantium, et Ermis, qui et Mercurius mercimoniis insistentibus colebatur in forensibus.

According to this, a statue of Mars seems to have stood on the town-wall.

That the Frisian temples contained images of gods, there seems to be sufficient evidence. It is true, the passage about Fosite (p. 84) mentions only fana dei; we are told that Wilibrord laid violent hands on the sacred fountain, not that he demolished any image. On the other hand, the Vita Bonifacii (Pertz. 2, 339), in describing the heathen reaction under King Rêdbod (circ. 716), uses this language: Jam pars ecclesiarum Christi, quae Francorum prius subjecta erat imperio, vastata erat ac destructa, idolorum quoque cultura exstructis delubrorum fanis lugubriter renovata. And if it should be thought that idolorum here is equivalent to deorum, the Vita Willehadi (Pertz. 2, 380) says more definitely: Insanum esse et vanum a lapidibus auxilium petere et a simulacris mutis et surdis subsidii sperare solatium. Quo audito, gens fera et idololatriis nimium dedita stridebant dentibus in eum, dicentes, non debere profanum longius vivere, imo reum esse mortis, qui tam sacrilegia contra deos suos invictissimos proferre praesumsisset eloquia. The event belongs to the middle of the 8th century, and the narrator Anskar (died 865) comes a hundred years later; still we are not warranted in looking upon his words as mere flourishes. And I am not sure that we have a right to take for empty phrases, what is said in a Vita S. Goari (died 649), which was not written till 839: Coepit gentilibus per circuitum (i.e. in Ripuaria), simulacrorum cultui deditis et vana idolorum superstitionis deceptis, verbum salutis annuntiare (Acta Bened. sec. 2, p. 282). Such biographies are usually based on older memorials.

The Frisians are in every sense the point of transition to the Scandinavians; considering the multifarious intercourse between these two adjoining nations, nothing can be more natural than to suppose that the Frisians also had in common with their neighbours the habit of temple and image worship. Even Fosete's temple in Heligoland I can hardly imagine destitute of images.

Some facility in carving figures out of wood or chiselling them out of stone is no more than we should have expected from those signa and effigies in Tacitus, and the art might go on improving up to a certain stage. Stone weapons and other implements that we find in barrows testify to a not unskilful handling of difficult materials. That not a single image of a Teutonic god has escaped the destructive hand of time and the zeal of the christians, need surprise us less than the total disappearance of the heathen temples. Why, even in the North, where the number of images was greater, and their destruction occured much later, there is not one preservedæ all the Lethrian, all the Upsalian idols are clean gone. The technical term in the Norse was Skurdgoð (Fornm. sög. 2, 73-5), from skëra (sculpere), skurd (sculptura)æ in the two passages referred to, it is likeneski af Freyr. Biörn gives skûrgoð, idolum, sculptile, from skûr, subgrundium (penthouse), because it had to be placed under cover, in sheds as it were; with which the OHG. skûrguta (Graff 6, 536) seems to agree. But there is no distinct proof of an ON. skûrgoð.

Dietmar's account is silent about the gods' images at Lethra (8); in Adam of Bremen's description of those at Upsal (cap. 233), the most remarkable thing is, that three statues are specified, as they were in that temple of the Alamanns: Nunc de superstitione Sveonum pauca dicemus. Nobilissimum illa gens templum habet, quod Ubsola dicitur, non longe positum a Sictona civitate (Sigtûn) vel Birka. In hoc templo, quod totum ex auro paratum est, statuas trium deorum veneratur populus, ita ut potentissimus eorum Thor in medio solium habeat triclinio. Hinc et inde locum possident Wodan et Fricco. The further description we have nothing to do with here, but there occurs in it also the term sculpere; as the whole temple was ex auro paratum, i.e., decorated with gold, he might doubtless have described the figures of the gods above all as gilded, just as those in Alamannia were aereae et deauratae.

Saxo p. 13 tells of a golden statue of Othin; Cujus numen Septentrionis reges propensiore cultu prosequi cupientes, effigiem ipsius aureo complexi simulacro, statuam suae dignationis indicem maxima cum religionis simulatione Byzantium transmiserunt, cujus etiam brachiorum lineamenta confertissimo armillarum pondere perstringebant. The whole passage, with its continuation, is not only unhistorical, but contrary to the genuine myths; we can only see in it the view of the gods taken by Saxo and his period, and inasmuch as golden and bedizened images of gods were consonant with such view, we may infer that there still lived in his time a recollection of such figures (see Suppl.). Ermoldus Nigellus, in describing Herold's (Harald's) interview with King Charles, mentions 4, 444 seq. (Pertz. 2, 509-10) the gods' images (sculpta) of the heathen, and that he was said to have had ploughshares, kettles and water-buckets forged of that metal. According to the Nialssaga cap. 89, in a Norwegian temple (goðahûs) there were to be seen three figures again, those of Thor and the two half-goddesses Thorgerðr and Irpa, of human size, and adorned with armlets; probably Thor sat in the middle on his car. Altogether the portraitures of Thor seem to have been those most in vogue, at least in Norway. (9) One temple in which many skurdgoð were worshipped, but Thor most of all, is described in Fornm. sög. 2, 153 and 159, and his statue 1, 295. 302-6; in 2, 44 we read: Thôrr sat î midðju ok var mêst tignaðr, hann var mikill ok allr gulli bûinn ok silfri (ex auro et argento confectus); conf. Olafs helga saga, ed. Holm. cap. 118-9, where a large standing figure of Thor is described; and Fornm. sög. 4, 245, ed. Christ. p. 26. Freyr giörr af silfri, Isl. sög. 1, 134. Landn. 3, 2. One man carried a statuette of Thor carved in whalebone (lîkneski Thôrs af tönn gert) in his pocket, so as to worship him secretly, when living among christians, Fornm. sög. 2, 57. Thôr's figure was carved on the öndvegis-pillars, Eyrbygg. p. 8. Landnamab. 2, 12; and on the prows of ships, Fornm. sög. 2, 234. A figure of Thorgerðr hölgabrûðr, with rings of gold round the arm, to which people kneel, Fornm. sög. 2, 108. (10) Frey's statue of silver, (Freyr markaðr af silfri), Vatnsd. p. 44. 50; carried about in a wagon in Sweden, Fornm. sög. 2, 73-7. The Jomsvikîngasaga tells of a temple on Gautland (I. of Gothland), in which were a hundred gods, Fornm. sög. 11, 40; truly a 'densitas imaginum,' as Jonas has it (see p. 83). Saxo Gram. 327 mentions a simulacrum quercu factum, carved in oak? or an oaktree worshipped as divine? (see Suppl.)

Not only three, but occasionally two figures side by side are mentioned, particularly those of Wuotan and Donar or of Mars and Mercurius, as we see from the passages cited. Figures of Freyr and Thor together, and of Frigg and Freyja, occur in Müller's sagabibl. 1, 92. Names of places also often indicate such joint worship of two divinities, e.g. in Hesse the Donnerseiche (Thor's oak) stood close by the Wodansberg; and explorers would do well to attend to the point.

But neither the alleged number of the statues, nor their descriptions in the sagas can pass for historical; what they do prove is, that statues there were. They appear mostly to have been hewn out of wood, some perhaps were painted, clothed, and overlaid with silver or gold; but no doubt stone images were also to be met with, and smaller ones of copper or ivory. (11)

I have put off until now the mention of a peculiar term for statue, with which some striking accounts of heathen idols connect themselves.

OHG. glosses have the word irmansûlî, pyramides, Mons. 360. avarûn, irmansûlî, pyramides, Doc. 203. irmansûl, colossus, altissima columna, Florent. 987, Blas. 86. colossus est irminsûl, Gl. Schletst. 18, 1. 28, 1. The literal meaning seems to be statue, to judge by the synonym avarâ, which in Gl. jun. 226 is used for statua and imago. It was not yet extinct in the 12th century, as appears from two places in the Kaiserchronik, near the beginning of the poem, and very likely there are more of them; it is said of Mercury (Massmann 129):


ûf einir yrmensûle Upon an yrmensûl

stuont ein abgot ungehiure, Stood an idol huge,

den hiezen sie ir koufman. Him they called their merchant.

Again of Julius Cæsar (Massm. 624):


Rômaere in ungetrûwelîche sluogen, Romans him untruly slew,

ûf einir yrmensûl sie in begruoben. On an yrm, they buried him.

And of Simon Magus 24 (Massm. 4432):


ûf eine yrmensûl er steic, On an yrmensul he climbed,

daz lantvolc im allesamt neic. The land-folk to him all bowed.

That is, worshipped him as a god. Nay, in Wolfram's Titurel, last chapter, where the great pillars of the (christian) temple of the Grail are described, instead of 'inneren seul' of the printed text (Hahn 6151), the Hanover MS. more correctly reads irmensûl.

Further, in the Frankish annals ad ann. 772 it is repeatedly stated, that Charles the Great in his conquest of the Saxons destroyed a chief seat of their heathen superstition, not far from Heresburg (12) in Westphalia, and that it was called Irminsûl. Ann Petav.: Domnus rex Karolus perrexit in Saxoniam et conquisivit Erisburgo, et pervenit ad locum qui dicitur Ermensul, et succendit ea loca (Pertz. 1, 16). Ann. Lauresh.: Fuit rex Carlus hostiliter in Saxonia, et destruxit fanum eorum quod vocatur Irminsul (Pertz. 1, 30). The same in the Chron. Moissiac., except the spelling Hirminsul (Pertz. 1, 295), and in Ann. Quedlinb., &c. (Pertz. 5, 37). Ann. Juvavenses: Karolus idolum Saxonorum combussit, quod dicebant Irminsul (Pertz 1, 88). Einhardi Fuld. annales: Karolus Saxoniam bello aggressus, Eresburgum castrum cepit, et idolum Saxonum quod vocabatur Irminsul destruit (Pertz 1, 348). Ann. Ratisbon.: Carolus in Saxonia conquesivit Eresburc et Irminsul (Pertz. 1, 92). Ann. Lauriss.: Karlus in Saxonia castrum Aeresburg expugnat, fanum et lucum eorum famosum Irminsul subertit (Pertz. 1, 117). Ann. Lauriss.: Et inde perrexit partibus Saxoniae prima vice, Aeresburgum castrum cepit, ad Ermensul usque pervenit, et ipsum fanum destruxit, et aurum et argentum quod ibi repperit abstulit. Et fuit siccitas magna, ita ut aqua deficeret in supradicto loco ubi Ermensul stabat, &c. (Pertz. 1, 150). Einhardi Ann: Ferro et igni cuncta depopulatus, Aeresburgum castrum cepit, idolum quod Irminsul a Saxonibus vocabatur evertit (Pertz 1, 151); repeated in Ann. Tilian., and Chron. Regin., with spelling Ormensul (Pertz 1, 220, 557) (13) And Dietmar of Merseburg (Pertz. 5, 744) further tells us, in connexion with later events: Sed exercitus capta urbe (Eresburch) ingressus, juvenem praefatum usque in ecclesiam S. Petri, ubi prius ab antiquis Irminsul colebatur, bello defatigatum depulit. Taking all these passages together, Irminsûl passes through the very same gradations of meaning we unfolded in ch. IV, and signifies now fanum, now lucus, now idolum itself. It can scarcely be doubted, that vast woodlands extended over that region: what if Osning, (14) th name of the mountain-forest in which the pillar stood, betokened a holy-wood? The gold and silver hoard, which Charles was supposed to have seized there, may well be legendary embellishment. (15) Ruodolf of Fuld goes more into detail about the Irminsûl; after his general statement on the heathen Saxons, that 'frondosis arboribus fontibusque venerationem exhibebant' (p. 101), he goes on: Truncum quoque ligni non parvae magnitudinis in altum erectum sub divo colebant, patria eum lingua Irminsul appellantes, quod Latine dicitur universalis columna, quasi sustinens omnia (Pertz. 2, 676), (see Suppl.). Here was a great wooden pillar erected, and worshipped under the open sky, its name signifies universal all-sustaining pillar. This interpretation appears faultless, when we take with it other words in which the meaning is intensified by composition with irmin. In the Hildebrands lied, irmingot is the supreme god, the god of all, not a peculiar one, agreeing in sense with thiodgod, the (whole) people's god, formed by another strengthening prefix, Hel. 33, 18. 52, 12. 99, 6. irminman, an elevated expression for man, Hel. 38, 24. 107, 13. 152, 11. irminthiod, the human race, Hel. 87, 13 and in Hildebr. (16) In the same way I explain proper names compounded with irman, irmin (Gramm. 2, 448). And irmansûl, irminsûl is the great, high, divinely honoured statue; that it was dedicated to any one god, is not to be found in the term itself.

In like manner the AS. has eormencyn (genus humanum), Beow. 309. Cod. Exon. 333, 3. eormengrund (terra), Beow. 1711. (and singularly in an adj. form: ofer ealne yrmenne grund, Cod. Exon. 243, 13). eormenstrýnd (progenies).

ON. iörmungrund (terra), iörmungandr (anguis maximus), iörmunrekr (taurus maximus). From all this may be gathered the high mythic antiquity of the Teutonic race; for neither to the Goths can they have been strange, as their famous king's name Ermanaricus (Aírmanareiks, ON. Iörmunrekr) shows; and beyond a doubt the Hermunduri are properly Ermunduri (Gramm. 2, 175), the H being often prefixed to all such forms.

Now whatever may be the probable meaning of the word irman, iörmun, eormen, to which I shall return in due time, one thing is evident, that the Irman-pillar had some connexion, which continued to be felt down to a late period (p. 116), with Mercury or hermes, to whom Greek antiquity raised similar posts and pillars, which where themselves called Hermae, a name which suggests our Teutonic one.

The Saxons may have known more about this; the Franks, in Upper Germany, from the 8th to the 13th century, connected with irmansûl, irminsûl the general notion of a heathen image set up on a pillar. Probably Ruodolf associated with his truncus ligni the thought of a choice and hallowed tree-stem (with, or without, a god's image?), rather than a pillar hewn into shape by the hand of man; this fits in too with the worshipping sub divo, with the word lucus used by some of the chroniclers, and with the simplicity of the earliest forest-worship. As the image melts into the notion of tree, so does the tree pass into that of image; and our Westphalian Irmen-pillar most naturally suggests the idea of that Thor's-oak in Hesse; the evangelists converted both of them into churches of St. Peter. I suspect an intimate connexion between the Irman-pillars and the Roland-pillars erected in the later Mid. Ages, especially in North Germany; there were in Sweden Thor's-pillars, and among the Anglo-Saxons Æthelstân-pillars (Lappenberg 1, 376). There yet remains to be given an account of a sacred post in Neustria, as contained in the Vita Walarici abbatis Leuconensis (d. 622), said to have been composed in the 8th century: Et juxta ripan ipsius fluminis stips erat magnus, diversis imaginibus figuratus, atque ibi in terram magna virtute immissus, qui nimio cultu morem gentilium a rusticis colebatur. Walaricus causes the log to be thrown down: et his quidem rusticis habitantibus in locis non parvum tam moerorem quam et stuporem omnibus praebuit. Sed undique illis certatim concurrentibus cum armis et fustibus, indigne hoc ferentes invicem, ut injuriam dei sui vindicarent (Acta Bened. sec. 2, pp. 84-5). The place was called Augusta (bourg d' Augst, near the town of Eu), and a church was built on the spot.

I think I have now shown, that in ancient Germany there were gods and statues. It will further be needful to consider, how antiquity went to work in identifying foreign names of gods with German, and conversely German with foreign.

The Romans in their descriptions cared a great deal more to make themselves partially understood by a free translation, than, by preserving barbarous vocables, to do a service to posterity. At the same time they did not go arbitrarily to work, but evidently with care.

Caesar's Sol, Luna and Vulcan are perhaps what satisfies us least; but Tacitus seems never to use the names of Roman deities, except advisedly and with reflection. Of the gods, he names only Mercury and Mars (Germ. 9. Ann. 13, 57. Hist. 4, 64); of deified heroes. Hercules, Castor and Pollux (Germ. 9, 43); of goddesses, Isis (Germ. 9), the terra mater by her German name (Germ. 40), and the mater deum (Germ. 45). Incompatible deities, such as Apollo or Bacchus, are never compared. What strikes us most, is the absence of Jupiter, and the distinction given to Mercury, who was but a deity of the second rank with the Romans, a mere god of merchants, but here stands out the foremost of all: Deorum maxime Mercurium colunt: to him alone do human sacrifices fall, while Mars and Hercules content themselves with beasts. This prominence of Mercury is probably to be explained by the fact, that this god was worshipped by the Gauls likewise as their chief divinity, and was the most frequently portrayed (deum maxime Mercurium colunt, hujus sunt plurima simulacra, Caes. B. Gall. 6, 17); (17) and that the looks of the Romans, when directed towards Germany, still saw Gaul in the foreground; besides, it may have been Galic informants that set the German divinity before them in this light. Observe too the Gaulish juxtaposition of ars and Mercurius in statues (p. 111), precisely as Tacitus names the German ones together (Ann. 13, 57). The omission of Jupiter is obviously accounted for, by his worship yielding the precedence to that of Mercury in those nations which Tacitus knew best: we shall see, as we go on, that the northern and remoter branches on the contrary reserved their highest veneration for the thunder god. On Isis and Hercules I shall express my views further on. Whom we are to understand by the Dioscuri, is hard to guess; most likely two sons of Woden, and if we go by the statements of the Edda, the brothers Baldr and Hermôðr would be the most fitting.

This adaptation of classical names to German gods became universally spread, and is preserved with strict unanimity by the Latin writers of the succeeding centuries; once set in circulation, it remained current and intelligible for long ages.

The Gothic historian names but one god after the Roman fashion, and that is Mars: Quem Gothi semper asperrima placavere cultura (Jornandes cap. 5), with which the Scythian Ares, so early as in Herodotus 4, 62-3, may be compared.

Paulus Diaconus winds up his account of Wodan with the express announcement (1, 9): Wodan sane, quem adjecta litera Gwodan dixerunt, ipse est qui apud Romanos Mercurius dicitur, et ab universis Germanise gentibus ut deus adoratur. Just so his older countryman Jonas of Bobbio, in that account of the sacrificing Alamanns, declares: Illi aiunt, deo suo Vodano, quem Mercurium vocant alii, se velle litare; upon which, a gloss inserted by another hand says less correctly: Qui apud eos Vuotant vocatur, Latini autem Martem illum appellant; though otherwise Woden greatly resembles Mars (v. infra).

Gregory of Tours (supra. p. 107) makes Saturn and Jupiter, and again Mars Mercuriusque the gods whom the heathen Chlodovich adored. In 1, 34 he expresses himself in more general terms: Privatus, Gabalitanae urbis episcopus ..daemoniis immolare compellitur a Chroco Alamannorum rege (in the third cent.) Widekind of Corvei names Mars and Hercules as gods of the Saxons (see p. 111); and that little addition to the Corvei Annals (see p. 111) couples together the Greek and Latin denominations Aris and Mars, Ermis and Mercurius.

The Indiculus paganiarum reckons up, under 8: De sacris Mercurii vel Jovis (18); under 20: De feriis quae faciunt Jovi vel Mercurio. So that the thunder-god, of whom Tacitus is silent, is in other quarters unforgotten; and now we can understand Wilibald's narrative of the robur Jovis (see p. 72), and in Bonifac. epist. 25 (A.D. 723) the presbyter Jovi mactans (see Suppl.).

In the Additamenta operum Matthaei Paris. ed. W. Watts, Paris 1644, pp. 25-6, there is an old account of some books which are said to have been discovered in laying the foundation of a church at Verlamacestre (St. Albans) in the tenth century, and to have been burnt. One of them contained 'invocationes et ritus idololatrarum civium Varlamacestrensium, in quibus comperit, quod specialiter Phoebum deum solis invocarunt et coluerunt, secundario vero Mercurium, Voden anglice appellatum, deum videlicet mercatorum, quia cives et compatriotae ..fere omnes negotiatores et institores fuerunt.' Evidently the narrator has added somewhat out of his own erudition; the invocations and rites themselves would have given us far more welcome information.

Passages which appear to speak of a German goddess by the name of Diana, will be given later. Neptune is mentioned a few times (supra, p. 110).

Saxo Grammaticus, though he writes in Latin, avoids applying the Roman names of gods, he uses Othinus or Othin, never Mercurius instead; yet once, instead of his usual Thor (pp. 41, 103), he has Jupiter, p. 236, and malleus Jovialis; Mars on p. 36 seems to stand for Othin, not for Tyr, who is never alluded to in Saxo. Ernoldus Nigellus, citing the idols of the Normanni, says 4, 9 (Pertz 2, 501), that for God (the Father) they worshipped Neptune, and for Christ Jupiter; I suppose Neptune must here mean Oðin, and Jupiter Thor; the same names recur 4, 69. 100. 453-5.

Melis-Stoke, as late as the beginning of the 14th century, still remembers that the heathen Frisians worshipped Mercury (1, 16. 17); I cannot indicate the Latin authority from which no doubt he drew this. (19)

If the supposition be allowed, and it seems both a justifiable and almost a necessary one, that, from the first century and during the six or eight succeeding ones, there went on an uninterrupted transfer of the above-mentioned and a few similar Latin names of gods to domestic deities of Gaul and Germany, and was familiar to all the educated; we obtain by this alone the solution of a remarkable phenomenon that has never yet been satisfactorily explained: the early diffusion over half Europe of the heathen nomenclature of the days of the week.

These names are a piece of evidence favourable to German heathenism, and not to be disregarded.

The matter seems to me to stand thus. (20)

From Egypt, through the Alexandrians, the week of seven days (ebdomaj), which in Western Asia was very ancient, came into vogue among the Romans, but he planetary nomenclature of the days of the week apparently not till later. Under Julius Caesar occurs the earliest mention of 'dies Saturni' in connection with the Jewish sabbath, Tibull. 1, 3, 18. Then hliou hmera in Justin Mart. apolog. 1, 67. 'Ermou and Afrodithj hmera in Clem. Alex. strom. 7, 12. The institution fully carried out, not long before Dio Cassius 37, 18, about the close of the 2nd century. (21) The Romans had previously had a week of nine days, nundinae = novendinae. Christianity had adopted from the Jews the hebdomas, and now it could not easily guard the church against the idolatrous names of days either (see Suppl.)

But these names, together with the institution of the week, had passed on from Rome to Gaul and Germany, sooner than the christian religion did. In all the Romance countries the planetary names have lasted to this day (mostly in a very abridged form), except for the first day and the seventh: instead of dies solis they chose dies dominica (Lord's day). It. domenica, Sp. domingo,French dimanche; and for dies Saturni they kept the Jewish sabbatum, It. sabbato, Sp. sabado,French samedi (=sabdedi, sabbati dies). But the heathen names of even these two days continued in popular use long after: Ecce enim dies solis adest, sic enim barbaries vocitare diem dominicum consueta est, Greg. Tur. 3, 15.

Unhappily a knowledge of the Gothic names of days is denied us. The sabbatê dags, sabbatô dags, which alone occurs in Ulphilas, of the remaining six or five days. A sunnôns dags, a mênins dag may be guessed; the other four, for us the most important, I do not venture to suggest. Their preservation would have been of the very highest value to our inquiry.

Old High Germ.

I. sunnûn dag, O. v. 5, 22. Gl. blas. 76. Lacombl. arch. 1, 6.

II. mânin tac (without authority, for mânitag, mânotag in Graff 2, 795. 5, 358 have no reference; mânetag in Notker, ps. 47, 1).

III. dies Martis, prob. Ziuwes tac among Alamanns; in the 11th cent. Cies dac, Gl. blas. 76; (22) prob. different among Bavarians and Lombards.

IV. dies Mercurii, perhaps still Wuotanes tac? our abstract term, diu mittawecha already in N. ps. 93, and mittwocha, Gl. blas. 76.

V. dies Jovis, Donares tac, Toniris tac, N. ps. 80, 1. donrestac, Gl. blas. 76. Burcard von Worms 195: quintam feriam in honorem Jovis honorati.

VI. dies Veneris, Fria dag, O. v. 4, 6. Frije tag, T. 211, 1.

VII. at last, like the Romance and Gothic, avoiding the heathenish dies Saturni, sambaztag, T. 68, 1. N. 91, 1. (23) samiztag, N. 88, 40. sunnûn âband, our sonnabend, already in O. v. 4, 9, prob. abbreviation of sunnûndages âband, feria ante dominicam, for vespera solis cannot have been meant [conf. Engl. Whitsun-eve]; and occasionally, corresponding to the Romance dies dominica, frôntag, N. ps 23.

Mid. High Germ.

Would any one believe, that the names of the days of the week are not easily to be picked out of the abundant remains of our MHG literature? It is true, sunnen tac (suntac in Berth. 118) and mântac (Parz. 452, 16. mæntac 498, 22. Amis 1648) (24) admit of no doubt. either do Donrestac (Donerstag, Uolrich 73. Dunrestac, Berth. 128), spelt Duristag in a Semi-Low Germ. urk. of 1300 in Höfer p. 57), and Dornstag in one of 1495, Useners femgerichten p. 131; nor Frîtac (Parz. 448, 7. 470, 1. Walth. 36, 31. Berth. 134), Vriegtag, Uolrich 73; nor yet samztac (Parz. 439, 2. Berth. 138), sunnen âbent (Trist. 3880).

But uncertainty hangs about the third and fourth days. The former, by a remarkable variation, was in Bavaria named Eritac, Erctac (th true form not quite certain, eritag in Adelung's vat. hss. 2, 189. ergetag in Berth. 122; see examples collected from urkunden, Schm. 1, 96-7), in Swabia on the contrary Ziestac, for Ziewestac. Both of these forms, which have nothing to do with each other, live to this day in the speech of the common people: Bav. ierte, Austr. iärta, irita, Vicentino-Germ. eörtä, Alem. ziestag, zinstag, ziestig, zistig, zienstig, zinstag. The insertion of the liquid has corrupted the word, and brought in quite irrelevant notions. In central Germany the form diestag, ticstag seems to predominate (diestik in the Rhön), whence our dienstag (less correctly dinstag, there is good reason for the ie); the spelling dingstag, as if from ding, thing, judicium, is false; dinstag occurs in Gaupps magdeb. recht p. 272. The fourth day I have never seen named after the god, either in MHG. or in our modern dialects unless indeed the gwontig cited in the note can be justified as standing for Gwuotenstag, Wuotenstag; everywhere that abstraction 'midweek' has carried all before it, but it has itself become almost unintelligible by being changed into a masculine mittwoch, mittich, Berth. 24, mäktig, Stald. 2, 194, conf. the Gothl. mäjkädag, Almqv. 442), 'an der mitkun,' fem., is found in the Cod. zaringobad. no. 140 (A.D. 1261). So even for the fifth day, the numeric name phinztac (Berth. 128. Otoc. 144. Grätzer urk. of 1338. Schwabenspiegel, p. 196. Schm. 1, 322), or phingstag, has made its way into some districts of Upper Germany through Græco-Slavic influences, pempth, petek, piatek, patek, though by these the Slavs mean Friday (see. Suppl.).

New High Germ.

I. sonntag. II. montag. III. Dienstag. IV. mittwoch. V. Donnerstag. VI. Freitag. VII. samstag, sonnabend.

Old Saxon. The OS. names are wanting, but must have differed in some essential points from the OHG., as the derived dialects prove. We may pretty safely assume Wôdanes dag for the fourth day of the week, for in Westphalia it is still called Godenstag, Gonstag, Gaunstag, Gunstag, at Aix Gouesdag, in Lower Rhen. urkunden Gudestag, Günther, 3, 585. 611 (A.D. 1380-7), Gudenstag, Kindlinger hörigk. p. 577-8 (A.D. 1448).

The third day was probably Tiwesdag, the fifth Thunaresdag, the sixth Frîundag. The most unlike would doubtless be the seventh, was it formed after dies Saturni, Sâteresdag? conf. the Westph. Saterstag, Saiterstaig, Günter 3, 502 (A.D. 1365). In Sachsensp. 2, 66 one MS. reads for sunavend Satersdach (see Suppl.).

Mid. Dutch.

I. sondach, Maerl. 2, 159. II. manendach, Huyd. op St. 3, 389. maendach, Maerl. 2, 139. III. Disendach, Maerl. 2, 140. al. Dicendach, Dissendach, Cannaert strafrecht, pp. 124, 481 apparently corrupted from Tisdach. IV. Woensdach, Maerl. 2, 143. V. Donresdach, Maerl. 2, 144. VI. Vrîdach, Maerl. 2, 159. gen. Vrîndaghes, Maerl. 2, 144. VI. Vrîdach, Maerl. 2, 159. gen. Vrîndaghes, Maerl. 2, 143. 157. VII. Saterdach, Maerl. 2, 114. 120-3. 157-9. 276. 3, 197. 343. also sonnacht, Maerl. 2, 164. 3, 240. (see Suppl.).

New Dutch.

I. zondag. II. mândag. III. dingsdag, formerly dinsdag, Dissendag. IV. Woensdag, Belg. Goensdag. V. Donderdag. VI. Vrîdag. VII. Zaterdag.

Old Frisian.

I. somnadei. II. monadei. III. Tysdei. IV. Wernsdei. V. Thunresdei, Tornsdei. VI. Frigendei, Fredei. VII. Saterdei (references for all these forms in Richthofen).

New Frisian.

I. sneyn, abbrev. from sinnedey, sendei, senned (conf. Frêd); the final n in sneyn, no doubt, as in OFris. Frigendei, a relic of the old gen. sing. in the weak decl. II. moandey. III. Tyesdey. IV. Wânsdey. V. Tongersdey. VI. Frêd, abbrev. from Frêdey. VII. sniuwn, snioun, abbrv. from sinnejuwn = Sun(day)-even. Conf. tegenwoordige staat van Friesland 1, 121. Wassenbergh's bidraghen 2, 56. Halbertsma naoogst p. 281-2 (see Suppl.).

North Frisian.

I. sennedei. II. monnendei. III. Tirsdei. IV. Winsdei. V. Türsdei. VI. Fridei. VII. sennin (in = even).


I. sonnan dæg. II. monan dæg. III. Tiwes dæg. IV. Wôdenes or Wôdnes dæg. V. Thunores dæg. VI. Frige dæg. VII. Sætres or Sæternes dæg.

Old Norse.

I. sunnudagr. (25) II. mânadagr. III. Tyrsdagr, Tysdagr. IV. Oðinsdagr. V. Thôrsdagr. VI. Friadagr, Freyjudagr. VII. laugardagr.


I. söndag. II. måndag. III. Tisdag, whence even Finn. tystai. IV. Onsdag. V. Thorsdag. VI. Fredag. VII. lördag.


I. söndag. II. mandag. III. Tirsdag. IV. Onsdag. V. Torsdag. VI. Fredag. VII. löverdag (see Suppl.).

We see, it is only in the seventh day that the Scandinavian depart from the Saxon, Frisian and Dutch: laugardagr means bath-day because people bathed at the end of the week. Yet even here there may be some connexion; a Latin poem of the 9th century on the battle of Fontenay (Bouquet 7, 304) has the singular verse: Sabbatum non illud fuit, sed Saturni dolium; a devil's bath? conf. ch. XII, Saturn. [The Germ. for carnage is blutbad, blood-bath.]

Even if the Germans from the earliest times knew the week of seven days from the four phases of the lunar change, (26) yet the naming of the days and the order in which they stand is manifestly an importation from abroad. On the contrary supposition, there would have been variation in details; and Saturn, for whom no Teutonic god seems prepared to stand sponsor, would have been left out in the cold.

But it would be no less absurd to attribute the introduction of the week and the names of the days to the Christians. As they came into vogue among the heathen Romans, they could just as well among heathen Gauls and Germans; nay, considering the lively intercourse between the three nations, a rapid diffusion is altogether natural. (27) Christianity had the Jewish week, and it tolerated names which were a frequent offenct to it, but were already too deeply rooted, and could only be partially dislodged. Those words of Gregory reveal the utter aversion of the clergy, which comes out still more plainly in the language (publ. in Syntagma de baptismo, p. 190) of an Icelandic bishop in 1107, who actually did away with them in Iceland, and replaced them by mere numeric names. How should the christian teachers ever have suffered hateful names of idols to be handed over to their recent converts for daily use, unless they had already been long established among the people? And in Germany, how should the Latin gods have been allowed to get translated into German ones, as if on purpose to put them within easy reach of the people, had they not already been familiar with them for centuries?

Again, the high antiquity of these translations is fully established by their exact accordance with the terminology used in the first centuries, as soon as people came to turn German gods into Roman. In my opinion, the introduction of the seven days' names amongst us must be placed at latest in the fourth or fifth century; it may not have taken place simultaneously in all parts of Teutondom.

Our forefathers, caught in a natural delusion, began early to ascribe the origin of the seven days' names to the native gods of their fatherland.

William of Malmesbury, relating the arrival of the Saxons in Britian, says of Hengist and Horsa, that they were sprung from the noblest ancestry: Erant enim abnepotes illus antiquissimi Voden, de quo omnium pene barbarum gentium regium genus lineam trahit, quemque gentes Anglorum deum esse delirantes, ei quartum diem septimanae, et sextum uxori ejus Freae perpetua ad hoc tempus consecraverunt sacrilegio (Savile 1601. p. 9).

More circumstantially, Geoffrey of Monmouth (lib. 6. ed. 1587, p. 43) makes Hengist say to Vortigern: Ingressi sumus maria, regnum tuum duce Mercurio petivimus. Ad nomen itaque Mercurii erecto vultu rex inquirit cujusmodi religionem haberent? cui Hengistus: deos patrios Saturnum, atque ceteros, qui mundum gubernant, colimus, maxime Mercurium (as in Tac. 9), quem Woden lingua nostra appellamus. Huic veteres nostri dicaverunt quartam septimanae feriam, quae usque in hodiernum diem nomen Wodenesdai de nomini ipsius sortita est. Post illum colimus deam inter ceteras potentissimam, cui et dicaverunt sextam feriam, quam de nomine ejus Fredai vocamus.

As Matthew of Westminster (Flores, ed. 1601, p. 82) varies in some details, his words may also be inserted here: Cumque tandem in praesentia regis (Vortigerni) essaent constituti, quaesivit ab eis, quam fidem, quam religionem patres eorum coluissent? cui Hengistus: deos patrios, scilicet Saturnum, Jovem atque ceteros, qui mundum gubernant, colimus, maxime autem Mercurium, quem lingua nostra Voden appellamus. Huic patres nostri veteres dedicaverunt quartam feriam septimanae, quae in hunc hodiernum diem Vodenesday appellatur. Post illum colimus deam inter ceteras potentissimam, vocabulo Fream, cujus vocabulo Friday appellamus. Frea ut volunt quidam idem est quod Venus, et dicitur Frea, quasi Froa a frodos [A-frod-ite = from froth?] quod est spuma maris, de qua nata est Venus secundum fabulas, unde idem dies appellatur dies Veneris.

Anglo-Saxon legend then, unconcerned at the jumbling of foreign and homespun fable, has no doubt at all about the high antiquity of the names among its people.

Saxo Grammaticus, more critical, expresses his opinion (p. 103) of the Norse nomenclature, that it is derived from the native gods, but that these are not the same as the Latin. This he proves by Othin and Thor, after whom the fourth and fifth days of the week are named, as in Latin after Mercury and Jupiter. For Thor, being Othin's son, cannot possibly be identified with Jupiter, who is Mercury's father, with the Roman Mercury, who is Jupiter's son. The discrepancy is certainly strong, but all that it can prove is, that at the time when Othin and Mercury was thought of as a Celtic divinity, probably with attributes differing widely from his classical namesake. Saxo is quite right in what he means, and his remark confirms the early heathen origin of these names of days; (28) yet upon occasion, as we saw on p. 122, he lets himself be carried away after all by the overpowering identity of Thor and Jupiter (see Suppl.).

The variations too in the names of the seven days among the various Teutonic races deserve all attention; we perceive that they were not adopted altogether cut-and-dry, nor so retained, but that national ideas still exercised some control over them. The later heathenism of Friesland and Saxony caused the old names of Wednesday and Saturday to live on, while in Upper Germany they soon sank into oblivion. But what is especially significant to us, is the deviation of the Alamanns and Bavarians when we come to the third day; how could it have arisen at a later (christian) time, when the idea of the heathen god that does duty for Mars had already become indistinct? how came the christian clergy, supposing that from them the naming had proceeded, ever to sanction such a divergence?

The nations that lie behind us, the Slavs, the Lithuanians, do not know the planetary names of days, they simply count like the Greeks, (29) not because they were converted later, but because they became acquainted with Latin culture later. The Finns and Lapps do not count, while the Esthonians again mostly do (see Suppl.). Even the christianizing influences of Byzantium decided nothin on this point; Byzantium had no influence over Lithuanians and Finns, and had it over a part only of the Slavs. These in their counting begin with Monday, as the first day after rest., consequently Tuesday is their second, and Thursday their fourth, (30) altogether deviating from the Latin and Icelandic reckoning, which makes Monday second and Thursday fifth. Hence the Slavic piatek (fifth) means Friday, and that Up. Germ. pfinztag (fifth) Thursday. Wednesday they call middle, sreda, sereda, srida (whence Lith. serrada), which may have acted upon our High German nomenclature; the Finns too have keskiwijcko ( half-week, from keski medium). It would be well worth finding out, when and for what reason the High German and the Slav first introduced the abstract names mittewoche and sreda (Boh. streda), while the Low German and the Romance have kept to Woden and Mercury. Alone of the Slavs, the Wends in Lüneburg show a trace of naming after a god; dies Jovis was with them Perendan, from Peren, Perun, thunder-god: apparently a mere imitation of the German, as in all the other days they agree with the rest of the Slavs. (31)

The nett result of these considerations is, that, in Latin records dealing with Germany and her gods, we are warranted in interpreting, with the greatest probability, Mercurius as Wuotan, Jupiter as Donar, and Mars as Ziu. The gods of the days of the week translated into German are an experiment on Tacitus's 'interpretatio Romana'.


                1. Adam of Bremen again copies Ruodolf, Pertz 9, 286.

                2. Deorum numero eos solos ducunt, quos cernunt, et quorum opibus aperte juvantur, Solem et Vulcanum et Lunam; reliquos ne fama quidem acceperunt B.G. 6, 21. Compare with this B.G. 4, 7 where the Usipetes and Tenchtheri say to Cæsar: Sese unis Suevis concedere, quibus ne dii quidem immortales pares esse possint.

                3. Grk. agalma, signum, statue; Goth. manleika, OHG. manalîhho, ON. lîkneski (see Suppl.); can the Sloven. malik, idol, have sprung from manleika? Bohem. malik, the little finger, also Thumbkin, Tom Thumb? which may have to do with idol. [In the Slavic languages, mâl = little, s-mall]. Other OHG. terms are avarâ; piladi, pilidi (bild) effigies or imago in general; in the Mid. Ages they said, for making or forming (p. 23), ein bilde giezen, eine schæne juncfrouwen ergiezen, Cod. Vindob. 428, num. 211, without any reference to metal-casting; ein bilde mezzen, Troj. 19626, mezzen, Misc. 2, 186. On the Lith. balwonas, idolum, statua, conf. Pott de ling. Litth. 2, 51. Ruiss. bolvâny; Russ. kumîr, idol, both lit. and fig. (object of affection).

                4. De simulacro quod per campos portant (Indic. superstit. cap. 28); one vita S. Martini cap. 9 (Surius 6, 252): Quia esset haec Gallorum rusticis consuetudo, simulacra daemonum, candido tecta velamine, misera per agros suos circumferre dementia.

                5. So then, in a church really christian, these old heathen gods' images had been let into the wall, probably to conciliate the people, who were still attached to them? There are several later instances of this practice, conf. Ledebur's archiv. 14, 363. 378. Thür. mitth. VI. 2, 13 (see Suppl.).

                6. Curiously, Mone (Gesch. des heid. 1, 171-5) tries to put this Woden worship at Tuggen upon the Heruli, who had never been heard of there, instead of the Alamanns, because Jonus says: Sunt inibi vicinae nationes Suevorum. But this means simply those settled thereabouts; there was no occasion to speak of distant ones. Columban was staying in a place not agreeable to himself, in order to convert the heathen inhabitants; and by Walafrid's description too, the district lies infra partes Alamanniae, where intra would do just as well.

                7. Two narratives by Gregory of Tours on statues of Diana in the Treves country, and of Mercury and Mars in the south of Gaul, though they exclude all thought of German deities, yet offer striking comparisons. Hist. 8, 15: Deinde territorium Trevericae urbis expetii, et in quo nunc estis monte habitaculum, quod cernitis, proprio labore construxi; reperi tamen hic Dianae simulacrum, quod populus hic incredulus quasi deum adorabat. columnam etiam statui, in qua cum grandi cruciatu sine ullo pedum stabam tegmine.......Verum ubi ad me multitudo vicinarum civitatum confluere coepit, praedicabam jugiter, nihil esse Dianam, nihil simulacra, nihilque quae eis videbatur exerceri cultura: indigna etiam esse ipsa, quae inter pocula luxuriasque profluas contica proferebant, sed potius deo omnipotenti, qui coelum fecit ac terram, dignum sit sacrificium laudis impendere. orabam etiam saepius, ut simulacro dominus diruto dignaretur populum ab hoc errore discutere. Flexit domini misericordia mentem rusticam, ut inclinaret aurem suam in verba oris mei, ut scilicet relictis idolis dominum sequeretur, (et) tunc convocatis quibusdam ex eis simulacrum hoc immensum, quod elidere propria virtute non poteram, cum eorum adjutorio possem eruere; jam enim reliqua sigillorum (the smaller figures) quae faciliora erant, ipse confregeram. Convenientibus autem multis ad hanc Dianae statuam, missis funibus trahere coeperunt, sed nihil labor eorum proficere poterat. Then came prayers; egressusque post orationem ad operarios veni, adprehensumque funem ut primo ictu trahere coepimus, protinus simulacrum ruit in terram, confractumque cum malleis ferreis in pulverem redegi. So images went to the ground, whose contemplation we should think very instructive now. This Diana was probably a mixture of Roman and Gallic worship; there are inscriptions of a Diana arduinna (Bouquet 2, 319). The second passage stands in Mirac. 2, 5: Erat autem haud procul a cellula, quam sepulchrum, martyris (Juliani Arvernensis) haec matrona construxerat (in vico Brivatensi), grande delubrum, ubi in columna altissima simulachrum Martis Mercuriique colebatur. Cumque delubri illius festa a gentilibus agerentur ac mortui mortuis thura deferrent, medio e vulgo commoventur pueri duo in scandalum, nudatoque unus gladio alterum appetit trucidandum. The boy runs to the saint's cell, and is saved. Quarta autem die, cum gentilitas vellet iterum diis exhibere libamina, the christian priests offer a fervent prayer to the martyr, a violent thunderstorm arises, the heathens are terrified: Recedente autem tempestate, gentiles baptizati, statuas quas coluerant confringentes, in lacum vico amnique proximum projecerunt.

Soon after this, the Burgundians settled in the district. The statues broken down, crushed to powder, and flung into the lake, every bit the same as in that story of Ratpert's.

                8. On recently discovered figures of 'Othin,' v. infra, Wôdan.

                9. Finn Magnusen, bidrag til nordisk archaeologie, pp. 113-159.

                10. There is another thing to notice in this pasage. The figure of Thorgerðr bent its hand up, when some one tried to snatch a ring off its arm, and the goddess was not disposed to let him have it. The same man then brought a lot of money, laid it at the figure's feet, fell on his knees and shed tears, then rose up and once more grasped at the ring, which now the figure let go. The same is told in the Færeyîngasaga, cap. 23, p. 103. I regard it as a genuine trait of heathen antiquity, like others which afterwards passed into christian folk-tales of the Mid. Ages (see Suppl.). Or more than one image of grace we are told that it dropt a ring off its finger or a shoe off its foot as a gift to those who prayed before it. A figure of Christ gave its shoes to a poor man (Nicolai abbatis peregrinatio, ed. Werlauff p. 20), and a saint's image its gold slippers (Mones anz. 7, 584. Archiv. des Henneb. vereins, pp. 70, 71). A figure of Mary accepts a ring that is presented to it, and bends her finger as a sign that she will keep it (Méon nouv. recueil 2, 296-7. Maerl. 2, 214). The two Virgin stories in Méon and Maerlant, though one at bottom, have very different turns given them. In the latter, a young man at a game of ball pulls the ring off his finger, and puts it on the hand of a Madonna; in th former, the youth is boxing in the Colosseum at Rome, and puts his ring on the finger of a heathen statue, which bends the finger. Both figures now hold the man to his engagement. But theOld French poem makes the afflicted youth bring an image of Mary to bear on the heathen one, the Mary takes the ring off the other figure, and restores it to the youth. Conf. Kaiserchr. 13142. 13265. 13323. Forduni Scoti chronicon 1, 407 (W. Scott's ministr. 2, 136), relates this fable as an event of the 11th century: a nobleman playing at ball slips his ring on the finger of a broken statue of Venus, and only gets it back with the help of a priest Palumbus who understands magic. We see the story had spread at an early time, but it is old Teutonic in its origin ['undeutsch,' evid. a slip for urdeutsch]. Even in a painting of Mary, the infant in her lap hands her a casket to give to a suppliant, Cod. pal. 341 fol. 63). Similarly, statues turn the face away, stretch out the arms to protect, they speak, laugh, weep, eat and walk; thus a figure of Christ turns itself away (Ls. 3, 78. 262), another begins to eat and grow bigger (Kinderm. legenden no. 9), to weep, to beckon, to run away (Deutsche sagen, no. 347. Tettaus, preuss. sagen, pp. 211-5-8). In Reinbot's Georg the idol Apollo is flogged with rods by a child, and forced to walk away (3258-69), which reminds one of the god Perûn, whom, according to monk Nestor, Vladîmir the Apostolic caused to be scourged with rods. In an Indian story I find a statue that eats the food set before it, Polier 2, 302-3. Antiquity then did not regard these images altogether as lumps of dead matter, but as penetrated by the life of the divinity. The Greeks too have stories of statues that move, shake the lance, fall on their knees, close their eyes (katamuseij), bleed and sweat, which may have been suggested by the attitudes of ancient images; but of a statue making a movement of the hand, bending a finger, I have nowhere read, significant as the position of the arms in images of gods was held to be. That the gods themselves ceira uperecousin over those whom they wish to protect, occurs as early as in Homer. 

                11. Finn Magnusen ibid. 132-7.

                12. Now Stadtbergen, conf. the extract from Dietmar; but strong reasons incline us to push the pillar (seule) some 15 miles deeper into the Osning forest; Clostermeier Eggesterstein, pp. 26-7: Eresburg, Horohus in pago Hessi Saxonico Saracho 735. 350. Conf. Massmann's Eggesterst. p. 34.

                13. Poeta Saxo 1, 65 (Bouquet 5, 137): Gens eadem coluit simulacrum quod vocitabant Irminsûl, cujus factura simulque columna Non operis parvi fuerat, pariterque decoris.

                14. ôs is the Sax. form for ans (p. 25), which denoted a god, and also a mountain; in High G. the name would be Ansninc, Ensninc. But, beside this mons Osnengi near Theotmelli, i.e. Detmold (Pertz 2, 447), there stood also a silva Osning not far from Osnabrück (Möser urk. no 2), and a third in Ripuaria on the Lower Rhine (Lacomblet no 310. 343. 354), which seems to have extended towards the Ardennes as far as Aachen (Aix la Chap.), mentioned in Vilkinasaga cap. 40; and according to Bärsch on Schannat's Eiflia, illustr. 1, 110, and Hattemer 3, 602, the Ardennes itself was called Osninka, Oseninch. By the Osnabrück charter above, the forest there appears even to have been modelled on the Osning of Aachen (ad similitudinem foresti Aquisgranum pertinentis). That Osning is met with in several places, speaks for a more general meaning [than that of a mere proper name]; like âs, ans, and faírguni, it is the sacred mountain and forest. Ledebur takes the Teutoburgiensis saltus to be sning. Osnabrück, Asnebruggi (bridge of the âses) seems nearly related. 

                15. Is this Ermen-pillar hoard an allusion to the legend of Ermenrich's hoard? (Saxo Gram. 156. Reinh. fuchs CLII.)

                16. The Slav. ramo, Bohem. ramenso, is with transposition the Lat. armus, OHG. aram, and means both arm and shoulder; in the Sloven. compound ramen-velik, valde magnus, it intensifies exactly like irman; does this point to an affinity between irman and arm? Arminius too is worth considering; conf. Schaffarik 1, 427.

                17. Schöpflin, Als. ill. 1, 435-60; esp. on a fanum of Mercury at Ebermünster 1, 58. Conf. Hummel, bibl. deutsch. alterth. p. 229. Creuzer, altröm. cultur am Oberrhein, pp. 48, 98.

                18. Had these been Roman gods, Jupiter would certainly have been named first, and Mercury after.

                19. Our MHG. poets impart no such information; they only trouble their heads about Saracen gods, among whom it is true Jupiter and Apollo make their appearance too. In Rol. 97, 7 are named Mars, Jovinus, Saturnus.

                20. I can here use only the beginning, not the conclusion, which would be more useful for my investigation, of a learned paper by Julius Hare on the names of the days of the week (Philolog. Mus., Nov. 1831). Conf. Idelers handb. der chronol. 2, 177-180, and Letronne, observations sur les représentations zodiacales, p. 99.

                21. An old hexameter at the end of the editions of Ausonius: Ungues Mercurio, barbam Jove, Cypride crines (nails on Wednesday, beard on Thursday, hair on Friday).

                22. Cies for Zies, as the same glossist 86 writes gicimbere and cinnum.

                23. Sambazolus n. prop. in Karajan.

                24. Zuemtig for Monday, Stald. 2, 470 ought perhaps to be zue mentig, ze mântage; yet 1, 490 he has guenti, güenti, Tobler 248 has gwontig, guentig, and Zellwegers urk. 1, 19 guonti, for which Urk. no. 146 has 'an gutem tag,' which seems to be supported by Haltaus jahrzeitb. Or is only this particular Monday after Lent called so? In the Cod. pal. 372, 103 (ann. 1382) we have 'guotem tag.' The resemblance of this good day to the Westphalian Gudensdag (Woden's day) is purely accidental.

                25. This ON. sunnudagr is noticeable, as in other cases sôl is used rather than sunna; sunnudagr seems to have been formed by the christian teachers in imitation of the other Teutonic languages. The Swed. and Dan. söndag (instead of soldag) must have been taken bodily from a Plattdeutsch form.

                26. To the Lat. word vix, gen. vicis (change, turn) corresponds, without the usual consonant-change, the Gothic vikô, OHG. wëchâ and wëhsal, both referable to the verb veika, váik, OHG. wîchu (I give way), because change is a giving way [in German, 'der weschel ist ein weichen']. Ulph. has vikô only once, Lu. 1, 8, where en th taxei thj efhmeriaj is translated 'in vikôn kunjis'; it is evidently something more than taxij here, it expresses at the same time a part of the gen. efhmeriaj, therefore lit. 'in vice generis', which the Vulg. renders by 'in ordine vicis'. Now whether vikô expressed to the Goths the alternation of the moon's quarters, we do not know for certain; I incline to believe it, as the OHG. wëhâ, wochâ, AS. wice, wuce, ON. vika, Swed. vecka, Dan. uge, are all limited to the one meaning of septimana. The very absence of consonant-change points to a high antiquity in the word. It is remarkable that the Javanese vuku means a section of time, the year falling into 30 vukus (Humb. Kawispr. 1, 196). The Finn. wijkko is more likely to have been borrowed from the Norse than from so far back as the Gothic. I remark further, than an observance by the Germani of sections of tim must be inferred from the mere fact that certi dies were fixed for the sacrifices to Mercury, Tac. Germ. 9.

                27. Jos. fuchs, gesch. von Mainz 2, 27 seq. (Kupfert 4, no 7) describes a Roman round altar, prob. of the 3rd or 4th century, on which are carved the seven gods of the week (1 Saturn, 2 Apollo, 3 Diana, 4 Mars, 5 Mercury, 6 Jupiter, 7 Venus), and in an 8th place a genius.

                28. Conf. Pet. Er. Müller om Saxo, p. 79.

                29. The Indian nations also name their days of the week after planets; and it seems worth remarking here, that Wednesday is in Sanskrit Budhuvaras, Tamil Budhunküramei, because some have identified Buddha with Woden. In reality Budhas, the ruler of Mercury and son of the moon, is quite distinct from the prophet Buddhas (Schlegel's ind. bibl. 2. 177).

                30. E.g. in Russian: 1, voskresénie, resurrection (but O. Sl. ne-délia, no-doing). 2, po-nedél'nik, day after-no-work. 3, vtórnik, second day. 4, seredá, middle. 5, chetvérg, fourth day. 6, piátnitsa, fifth day. 7, subbóta, sabbath. Trans.

                31. It is striking, that in O. Bohem. glossaries (Hanka 54. 165) Mercury, Venus and Saturn are quoted in the order of their days of the week; and that any Slav deities that have been identified with Latin ones are almost sure to be of the number of those that preside over the week. And whilst of the Slav gods, Svatovit answers to Mars (Ziu), Radigast to Mercury (Wuotan), Perun to Jupiter (Donar), Lada (golden dame, zolota baba, in Hanusch 241, 35) to Venus (Frîa), and perhaps Sitivrat to Saturn; the names of the planets are construed quite otherwise, Mars by Smrto-nos (letifer), Mercury by Dobro-pan (good lord, or rather bonorum dator), Jupiter by Krale-moc (rex potens), Venus by Ctitel (cupitor? venerandus?), Saturn by Hlado-let (famelicus, or annonae caritatem afferens). Respecting Sitivrat I give details at the end of ch. XII.




                p. 104 n.) The Goth. manleika, OHG. mannalîhho (conf. andriajFrench anhr man), lasts in MHG. wehsîne manlîch, Fundgr. 2, 123. guldîn manlîch, Servat. 2581. 'apud manlîcha,' where the image stands, Notizenbl. 6, 168.

                p. 105. ) Though Tacitus mentions no image in human shape, but only signa and formae (effigiesque et signa quaedam detracta lucis in proelium ferunt, Germ. 7, conf. vargr hângir fyr vestan dyr, ok drûpir örn yfir, Sæm. 41b);

yet the expression 'numen ipsum, si credere velis,' used of the divine Mother in her bath, cap. 40, does seem to point to a statue.

                p. 106. ) In the oldest time fetishes

stones and logs

are regarded as gods' images, Gerh. Metron. p. 26. Gr. to bretaj in the Tragic poets is a god's image of wood (conf. eikwn), though Benfey 1, 511 says 'of clay;' xoanon, prop. graven imageFrench xew I scrape, often means a small image worn on the person, e.g. the Cleo in Paus. iii. 14, 4; agalma, orig. ornament, then statue; zwdion, liter. little-animal 15, 8. Statues were made of particular kinds of wood: xoanon agnou, of the vitex agnus-castus 14, 7 (conf. ramos de nobilissimo agno casto, Evag. Fel. Fabri 1, 156-7), as rosaries of mistletoe were preferred. cum paupere culta stabat in exigua ligneus aede deus, Tib. i. 10, 20. Irish dealbh, deilbh, deilbhin, deilbhog, imago, statua, figura. Beside the Boh. modla, idolum (fr. model? orFrench modliti, to pray?), we find balwan, block, log, idol, Pol. balwan, Miklos. bal'van', Wall. balavanu, big stone (p. 105 n.), which Garnett, Proceed. 1, 148, connects with Armoric 'peulvan, a long stone erected, a rough unwrought column.' OHG. avara (p. 115-6) stands for imago, statua, pyramis (irmansûl), pyra, ignis, Graff 1, 181; conf. Criaches-avara (p. 297); OS. avaro filius, proles, AS. eafora. The idea of idolum is never clearly defined in the Mid. Ages: the anti-pope Burdinus (A.D. 1118-9) is called so, Pertz 8, 254-5. Even Beda's 'idolis servire' 2, 9 is doubtful, when set by the side of 'daemonicis cultibus servire' 2, 5.

                p. 107. ) On Athanaric's worship of idols, conf. Waitz's Ulfila p. 43. 62. Claudian de B. Getico 528 makes even Alaric (A.D. 402) exclaim: Non ita dî Getici faxint manesque parentum! Compare the gods' waggon with sacer currus in Tac. Germ. 10 and Suppl. to 328-9 below. Chariots of metal have been found in tombs, Lisch Meckl. jb. 9, 373-4. 11, 373.

                p. 108. ) That the Franks in Clovis's time had images of gods, is proved further by Remigius's epitaph on him: Contempsit credere mille Numina, quae variis horrent portenta figuris. On the other hand, Gregory of Tours's account (1, 34) of the Alamann king Chrocus in the 3rd century compelling St. Privatus in Gaul to sacrifice to idols, is vaguely worded: Daemoniis immolare compellitur, quod spurcum ille tam exsecrans quam refutans; on Chrocus conf. Stälin 1, 118.

                p. 108n. ) Old idols in churches were placed behind the organ (Melissantes orogr. p. 437-9) in Duval's Eichsfeld 341. 'An idols' chamber was in the old choir,' Leipz. avant. 1, 89-91; 'the angels out of the firewood room,' Weinhold's Schles. wtb. 17b; fires lighted with idols, conf. Suppl. to p. 13-15. Giants' ribs or hammers hung outside the church-gate, p. 555n.; urns and inverted pots built into church-walls, Thür. mitth. i. 2, 112-5. Steph. Stoflief. p. 189, 190. A heathen stone with the hoof-mark is let into Gudensberg churchyard wall, p. 938.

                p. 113. ) The warming (baka), anointing and drying of gods' images is told in Friðþiofs-s. cap. 9 (p. 63). But the divine snake of the Lombards was of gold, and was made into a plate and chalice (p. 684). The statua ad humanos tactus vocalis, Saxo p. 42, reminds of Memnon's statue. Some trace of a Donar's image may be seen in the brazen dorper, p. 535. On the armrings in gods' images conf. the note in Müller's Saxo p. 42. Even H. Sachs 1, 224b says of a yellow ringlet: 'du nähmst es Gott von füssen 'rab,' off God's feet; and ii. 4, 6d: ihr thet es Got von füssen nemmen. Four-headed figures, adorned with half-moons, in Jaumann's Sumlocenne p. 192-4. On nimbi, rays about the head, conf. p. 323 and Festus: capita deorum appellabantur fasciculi facti ex verbenis. Animals were carved on such figures, as on helmets; and when Alb. of Halberstadt 456a transl. Ovid's 'Illa mihi niveo factum de marmore signum Ostendit juvenile, gerens in vertice picum,' Met. 14, 318, by 'truoc einen speht ûf sîner ahseln,' he probably had floating in his mind Wôdan with the raven on his shoulder. Even in Fragm. 40a we still find: swuor bî allen gotes-bilden.

                p. 114n. ) Gods' images are instinct with divine life, and can move. Many examples of figures turning round in Bötticher's Hell. Temp. p. 126. One such in Athenaeus 4, 439; one that turns its face, Dio Cass. 79, 10: sacra retorserunt oculos, Ov. Met. 10, 696; one that walks, Dio Cass. 48, 43. idrwei ta xoana kai kineetai, Lucian ed. Bip. 9, 92. 120. 378; deorum sudasse simulacra, Cic. de divin. 2, 27. simulacrum Apollinis Cumani quatriduo flevit, Augustin. Civ. Dei 3, 11; Lanuvii simulacrum Junonis sospitae lacrimasse, Livy 40, 19; lapidum fletus = statuarum lacrimae, Claudian in Eutrop. 2, 43. simulacrum Jovis cachinnum repente edidit, Suet. Calig. 57. Flames burst out from head and breast, Herod. 6, 82. An Artemis drops her shield, Paus. iv. 13, 1. Not only are they spoken to (interdiu cum Capitolino Jove secreto fabulabatur, modo insusurrans ac praebens invicem aurem, modo clarius, nec sine jurgiis, Suet. Calig. 22), but they answer. Being asked, 'visne ire Romam, Juno?' she nods and says yea, Livy 5, 22.

                The same in Teutonic heathenism. Thôr's image walks and talks, Fornm. s. 1, 302. As Thorgerð's image bends its hand to keep the gold ring on, Mary's does the same, see above, and Ksrchr. 13142-265-323. Vinc. Bellov. 25, 29 foll. by Heinr. de Hervord ad an. 1049. A Virgin sets the Child down, and kneels to it, Marienleg. 228; the Child is taken from her, Pass. 144, conf. Ges. Ab. 3, 584. A Mary receives a shot, and saves the man it was aimed at, Maerl. 2, 202. A Crucifix embraces a worshipper, Keisersb. seel. par. 75d; bows to one who has forgiven his mortal foe, Sch. u. Ernst 1522 cap. 628; 'dat cruce losede den voet, unde stotte ene,' kicked him, Detm. 1, 7. An image bites the perjurer's hand off, Sch. u. Ernst c. 249; speaks, Alexius 444. 490. Maerl. 2, 201; and turns round, KM. 1 (ed. 2) xlix. The stone visitant in Don Juan nods and walks. Gods' images fall from heaven acc. to the Scythian legend; so does the figure of Athena, Paus. i. 26, 7. Or they are stolen from abroad, dii evocati, e.g. a Juno (Gerh. Etrusker p. 31), and Artemis from Tauris, Schol. to Theocr.; conf. Meiners 1, 420-3. So, in the Mid. Ages, relics were stolen. Again, idols are washed, bathed, Schol. to Theocr.; conf. the Alraun, p. 1203. They were even solemnly burnt; thus in the Bœotian dædals, every 60 years, 14 oaken images of Hera were consigned to the flames, E. Jacobi's Hdwtb. d. Gr. u. Rom. mythol. 394.

                p. 115. ) The numbers three and four in conn. with gods' images occur even later still. At Aign on the Inn near Rottalmünster, next the Malching post-house, a St. Leonard's pilgrimage is made to five brazen idols, the biggest of which is called the Worthy. The peasants say none, but the worthy man can lift it. If a youth after his first confession fails to lift the figure, he goes to confession again, and comes back strengthened. The festival is called The three golden Saturday nights in September. A girl proves her virginity (also by lifting?). The Austrians have a Leonard's chapel too, yet they pilgrim to Aign, and say 'he is the one, the Bavarians have the right one,' conf. Panzer's Beitr. 2, 32-4. A nursery tale (Ernst Meier no. 6, p. 38) describes a wooden sculpture in the shape of a horse with four heads, three of which belong to Donner, Blitz and Wetter, evidently Donar, Zio and Wuotan.

                p. 118. ) Similar to the irmen-pillar with Mercury's image in the Krschr., is a statue at Trier which represented Mercury flying, Pertz 10, 132. The Lorsch Annals makes Charles find gold and silver in the Irmenseule. There are also stories of mice and rats living inside statues, Lucian somn. 24; in Slavic idols, says Saxo; the Thor that is thrown down swarms with large mice, adders and worms, Maurer bek. 1, 536. What Rudolf of Fulda says of the Irminsul is repeated by Adam of Bremen (Pertz 9, 286). 'irmesuwel der cristenheit,' Germania 1, 451, conf. 444. The Roman de Challemaine (Cod. 7188, p. 69) describes the war of the Franks with the Saxons:

                        En leur chemin trouverent un moustier

                        que li Saisne orent fet pieca edifier.

                        une idole y avait, que les Saisnes proier

                        venoient come dieu touz et gloirefier.

                        quar leur creance estoit selonc leur fol cuidier

                        quele les puist bien sauver jousticier.

                        Neptusnus ot à non en lonneur de la mer. One is reminded of the lofty Irminsul by the story of an idol Lug or Heillug, 60 cubits high, in the Wetterau, Ph. Dieffenbach 291 (heiliger lôh?).

                p. 121. ) On Caesar's 'Sol et Vulcanus et Luna,' see GDS. 766. The Indiculus comes immediately after the Abrenuntiatio, in which Thuner, Wôden and Saxnôt have been named; its Mercury and Jupiter therefore stand for German gods, as indeed several German words are used in it: nod-fyr, nimidas, frias, dadsisas. The Abrenuntiatio requires you to give up the trilogy Thuner, Wôden, Saxnôt, and all the unholies that are their fellows; so there were three heathen gods, and more. On the trilogy conf. Pref. li. liv., and in Verelius, sub v. blotskap, the passage out of the Trojamanna-s. p. 34, where Brutus invokes Thôr, Oðin and Gefjon.

                p. 122. ) Saxo's way of looking at the Norse gods is noticed p. 384-5. The thunder god, who is Thoro at p. 41, and Thor at p. 103, he once names Jupiter. Besides, he has Pluto and Dis = Othinus as Valföðr 36. 140-7; and Proserpina = Hel, 43.

                p. 123. ) Lepsius, Einl. p. 131, says the Egyptian week had not 7, but 10 days. 'Nine days' time' is a common reckoning among savages, Klemm 2, 149. To nundinae corresponds eunhmar, yet Nieb. 1, 308, and O. Müller Etr. 2, 324 think the Romans had a week of 8 days. The seven-day week is Semitic, was unknown to Greeks or Romans, and rests on a belief in the sacredness of the number 7; conf. Nesselm. on the origin of the week (Königsb. deutsche gesellsch., May 22, 1845). Titurel 2753:

                Die sieben stern sieben tugende haltent,

                Die muozen alle mensche haben, die dâ zît der tage waltent.

                The Provençal names of days in Raynouard sub v. dia. Old French de-mierkes for mercre-di, de-venres for vendre-di; conf. Roquef. suppl. v. kalandre.

                p. 125. ) MHG.

I. Sunnentac, MS. 2, 190b. Amur 1578. 1609-21. Griesh. 114. 141. suntac, Pass. 299, 68. 81. -

II. mântac, Frauend. 32, 11. maentags 82, 1. -

III. aftermaentag, Hätzl. lxviiia. aftermontag, Uhl. volksl. p. 728. zistag and zinstag, Wackern. Bas. hss. 54-7; also Schweiz. geschichtsfr. 1. 82-3. 161. 4, 149. cinstag, Weisth. 1, 759. zinstag, Dietr. drach. 320b. Justinger 59, Keisersp. zistig, Tobler 458. eritag, Fundgr. 1, 75. MB. 27, 89a (1317). 132a (1345). Lang reg. 4, 711a (1300). Grätzer urk. of 1319, etc.; but ibid. erchtag, 1310. Schwabe tintenf. 19. 56. erctag in Hartlieb, Superst. H., cap. 31-2. erichtag, Beheim, 76, 16. H. Sachs 1, 206d. Hutten 3, 358. eretag in Guben, 48, 32. -

IV. mitwoche, Bas. hss. 57. mittoche, Diemer, 357, 5. von dem mitechen, Tund. 44, 27. des mittichen, MB. 27, 90 (1317). 27, 98 (1321). der midechen, Grätzer urk. of 1320, mitich, mitichen, 1338. midechon, Griesh. 2, 48. 'an dem nehsten guctemtag (!), Schreiber 1, 486 (see p. 124n). -

V. Records of the 14th cent. waver between donresdag and donredag. Dunrstac, Pass. 57, 87, etc. dünderstag, dunderstag alw. in Conr. of Weinsbg. dorstage, Schweiz. geschichtsfr. 3, 260 (1396). Dunredagh, Maltzan 2, 6. Hpt Ztschr. 5, 406. donredagh, Maltzan 2, 45.

VI. phincztag, Beheim 78, 8. MB. 27, 131a (1343). vrîtach, Griesh. 2, 48. frehtag, Grätzer urk. of 1310. des vriegtages, S. Uolrich, 1488.

                p. 125. ) OS.

These have to be guessed from the following later forms: I. sundach, Ssp. sondag, Pom. 1486. Klempin 488.

II. mandag, ibid.

III. dinsdag, Cöln. urk. of 1261. Höfer no. 5. dinstag, 1316, ib. p. 112; dynsdais, p. 277. dincedagh, Pom. urk. of 1306, p. 354. dinscdag, Magdeb. urk. of 1320, p. 142. dinstagh, Quedl. of 1325, p. 179. dingstdag, Ravnsbg. urk. of 1332, p. 258. dynstag, Siebertz no. 652. 688 (1315-43). dinxtdag, Ditm. landr. of 1447 ed. Michels. p. 32. dynsthedach, Detmar 2, 287. dinschedach 2, 34. dinghestedaghes, dingsted., dynsted., dyngesd. 2, 179. 210. 207. 142. dinxstedages, Hpt's Ztschr. 5, 405-406. dingstedag, Hammerbröker recht. Did any Low German district in the Mid. Ages retain Tisdag? Scarcely: all seem to have forms beginning with din, agreeing with Nethl. dinsdag, and corrup. from the older disendach; hence our present dienstag. Dinstag appears as early as 1316 at Schleusingen, 1320-2 at Erfurt (Höfer p. 120. 146. 153). dingesdag, Klempin 488.

IV. gudinsdag, gudensdag, Höfer no. 6. 7. (1261-2). des mitwekens, Maltzan 2, 88. in deme mitwekene 2, 113. des mydweken, Hpt Ztschr. 5, 406. des middewekenes, Höfer 166 (in 1323 at Halberstadt). mitdwekenes 370 (in 1331). medewekes 360 (in 1324). middeweke, Klempin.

V. dunresdach, Ssp. donredag, Klempin. dunredagh, urk. of Maltzan, 2, 6. Hpt 5, 406. donredagh, Maltzan 2, 45. -

VI. vridach, Ssp. frigdag, Klempin. -

VII. sunavent, Ssp. 2, 66 (one MS. satersdach). sonnavend, Klempin. saterdag is Nethl. and Westph., not Saxon. saterstag, Seibertz 724a (1352). satirsdach, Marienlieder. Hpt 10, 80-1. saterstag, Spinnr. evang., Cöln 1538, title. In Freidank 169, 15, one MS. changes 'suones tac' into satersdach. soterdag, Firmenich 1, 301b; sorreschteg 1, 495 at Eupen.

                M. Nethl. -

I. sondach, Decker's Lekensp. 1, 38. --

II. maendach, Decker ib. -

III. dinxdach, Decker. disdag desdag, Coremans p. 49. disendaighes, Hedu p. 443. De klerk 1, 804. disendach, Uhl. 1, 415. --

IV. woonsdach, Decker. -

V. donredach, Decker. donderdach, Lanc. 13970. -

VI. vridach, Decker. den vrindach, Lanc. 25310. sfrîndaghes, Maerl. 3, 284. sfrindaechs, De klerk 1, 708 in 1303.

VII. saterdach, Decker. In the Leven van Jezus p. 27-8. 74-5. 234 the Jewish notion of Sabbath is lamely rendered by saterdach.

                p. 126. ) Fris. -

III. tihsdi, tisdey, Hpt Ztschr. 1, 107. --

VII. A fuller form 'sn-avend' occurs in the Gen. snavendes, Anhalt urk. of 1332, Höfer 163.

                North-Fris. forms in Outzen, p. 38. -

IV. Weadansdai, Landeskunde 4, 248. Winjsday in Silt, Müllenh. 167. --

V. Türsdei and Tüsdei. --

VII. in = evening, eve, as in 'gude e'en to ye,' Shaksp. good-en.

                AS. --

IV. Mercoris die, hoc est Wôdnesdag, Kemble 5, 94 (in 844).

                OE. -

III. tweisdaie. IV. wensdaie, Garner, Procdgs. p. 232.

                ON. in Gulaþ. p. 9.

III. Tysdagr. IV. Oðensdagr. V. Þorsdagr. VI. Freadagr. VII. þvatðagr.


I. sunnundaghr, östg. (conf. p. 126 n.). VII. löghurdagh, östg.

                Norw. -

IV. mekedag. VI. Freadag, Dipl. Norv. vol. 3, no. 787 (in 1445).

                Jut. -

IV. Voensdag, woinsdau, Molb. dial. 653. VI. Freia. VII. Luora, Foersom, p. 12.

                Angl. -

IV. Vonsdaw.

                p. 127 n. ) On the Roman altar in Swabia, see Stälin, 1, 111. One the circle of planetary gods, Lersch in Jb. d. Rheinlande iv. 183. v. 298-314. The 8 figures on the altar may signify the gods of nundinae. Ther Germ. week has Odin in the middle, his sons Tyr and Thor next to him: Mars, Mercury, Jupiter.

                p. 129. ) Snorri too, in his Formâli, has interpretations and comparisons with the Bible and classical mythology. Freyr he identifies with Saturn (p. 217).

                p. 130. ) The Ests, Finns and Lapps name the days thus:


                Est. -

I. pühhapääw, holy day. II. esmaspääw, first day. III. teisipääw, second day. IV. kesknäddel, (1) mid-week. V. nelyapääw, fourth day. VI. rede (redi), fast-day? VII. laupääw; poolpääw, half-day.

                Finn. -

I. sunnuntai. II. maanan. III. tiistai. IV. keskiwiycko. V. tuorstai. VI. peryandai; is this Perun's day displaced (conf. Perendan below)? or, as the Finns have no F, a corrup. of Fredag? (Prob. the latter, conf. Peryedag; and the Finns are fond of adding an N. ). VII. lauwandai.

                Swed. Lapp. --

I. ailek. II. manodag. III. tisdag. IV. kaska wakko. V. tuoresdag. VI. peryedag. VII. lawodag.

                Norw. Lapp. -

I. sodno beive. II. vuosarg. III. mangebarg. IV. guskvokko. VI. fastobeive fast-day, and peryedag.




                          1. The Slavic nedélia, orig. Sunday, now means week.










The highest, the supreme divinity, universally honoured, as we have a right to assume, among all Teutonic races, would in the Gothic dialect have been called Vôdans; he was called in OHG. Wuotan, a word which also appears, though rarely, as the name of a man: Wuotan, Trad. Fuld. 1, 149. 2, 101-5-8. 128. 158. 161. Woatan 2, 146, 152. The Longobards spelt it Wôdan or Guôdan, the Old Saxons Wuodan, Wôdan, but in Westphalia again with the g prefixed, Guôdan, Gudan, the Anglo-Saxons Wôdan, the Frisians Wêda from the propensity of their dialect to drop a final n, and to modify ô even when not followed by an i. (1) The Norse form is Oðinn, in Saxo Othinus, in the Faröe isles Ouvin, gen Ouvans, acc. Ouvan. Up in the Grisons country

and from this we may infer the extent to which the name was diffused in Upper Germany

the Romance dialect has caught the term Vut from Alamanns or Burgundians of a very early time, and retained it to this day in the sense of idol, false god, 1 Cor. 8, 4. (2) (See Suppl.)

It can scarcely be doubted that the word is immediately derived from the verb OHG. watan wuot, ON. vaða, ôð, signifying meare, transmeare, cum impetu ferri, but not identical with Lat. vadere, as the latter has the a long, and is more likly connected with OS. gavîtan, AS. gewîtan. From watan comes the subst. wuot (our wuth, fury), as menoj and animus properly mean mens, ingenium, and then also impetuosity, wildness; the ON. öðr has kept to the one meaning of mens or sensus. (3) According to this, Wuotan, Oðinn would be the all-powerful, all-penetrating being, qui omnia permeat; as Lucan says of Jupiter: Est quodcunque vides, quocunque moveris, the spirit-god (4); conf. Virg. Georg. 4, 221: Deum ire per omnes terras, and Ecl. 3, 60: Jovis omnia plena. In the popular language of Bavaria, wueteln is to bestir oneself, to swarm, grow luxuriantly, thrive, Schm. 4, 203 (see Suppl.)

How early this original meaning may have got obscured or extinguished, it is impossible to say. Together with the meaning of wise and mighty god, that of the wild, restless, vehement, must also have prevailed, even in the heathen time. The christians were the better pleased, that they could bring the bad sense into prominence out of the name itself. In the oldest glosses, wôtan is put for tyrannus, herus malus, Diut. 1, 276. gl. Ker. 270; so wüeterich, wüterich (Gramm. 2, 516) is used later on, and down to the present day, conf. ein ungestüemer wüeterich, Ben. 431; as in Mar. 217. Herod's messengers of murder are wüeteriche, O.i. 19, 18 names the king himself gotewuoto. The form wuotunc seems not to differ in sense; an unprinted poem of the 13th century says 'Wüetunges her' apparently for the 'wütende heer', (5) the host led as it were by Wuotan; and Wuotunc is likewise a man's name in OHG., Wôdunc, Trad. patav. no. 19. The former divinity was degraded into an evil, fiendish, bloodthirsty being, and appears to live yet as a form of protestation or cursing in exclamations of the Low German people, as in Westphalia: O Woudan, Woudan! Firmenich 1, 257, 260; and in Mecklenburg: Wod, Wod! (see Suppl.).

Proofs of the general extension of Woden's worship present themselves, for the one thing, in the passages collected in the proceeding chapter on Mercurius, and again in the testimonies of Jonas of Bobbio (pp 56 and 121) and Paulus Diaconus, and in the Abrenuntiatio, which deserves to be studied more closely, and lastly in the concurrence of a number of isolated facts, which I believe have hitherto been overlooked.

If we are to sum up in brief the attributes of this god, he is the all-pervading creative and formative power, who bestows shape and beauty on men and all things, from whom proceeds the gift of song and the management of war and victory, on whom at the same time depends the fertility of the soil, nay wishing, and all highest gifts and blessings, Sæm. 113.

To the heathen fancy Wuotan is not only the world-ruling, wise, ingenious god, he is above all the arranger of wars and battles. (6) Adam of Bremen cap. 233, ed. 1595 says of the Norse god: Wôdan, id est fortior, bella gerit, hominique ministrat virtutem contra inimicos.Wôdanem sculpunt (Sveones) armatum, sicut nostri Martem sculpere solent. To the fortior, fortis, would answer his ON. name of Svîðr, i.e. the strong, masterful, swift (OS. suîth): but fortior is, no doubt, a false reading, all the MSS. (conf. Pertz 3, 379) read 'Wôdan, id est furor,' which agrees with the conclusion arrived at above. To him, says the Edda, belong all the nobles who fall in battle (Sæm. 77), and to Thôr the common folk, but this seems added merely to depreciate the latter; in another passage (Sæm. 42), Freya shares the fallen with Oðinn; he is named valfaðir and herfaðir (val, choice; her, host). Oðinn vildi þiggja mann at hlutfalli at hânga or herinom, Fornald. sög. 3, 31. Eidem prostratorum manes muneris loco dedicaturum se pollicetur (Haraldus), Saxo p. 146. Othinus armipotens, p. 37, auctor aciei corniculatae, ordinandi agminis disciplinae traditor et repertor, pp. 138-9, 146. When old, he teaches arraying of battle, p. 17, the hamalt at fylkja, svînfylkja, Fornald. sög. 1, 380; he teaches how to bring down with pebbles those whom sword will not wound, ibid. p. 157 (see Suppl.).

We need not be surprised then to find him confounded with Ziu or Tyr, the special god of war, or Mercurius coupled with Mars (pp. 107, 111), or a gloss on Jonas of Bobbio, who had rightly identified him with Mercury (p. 121), correcting him thus: Qui apud eos (Alamannos) Vuotant (part. pres. of wuotan) vocatur, Latini autem Martem illum appellant. Are Adam's words also, 'sicut nostri Martem sculpere solent,' to be so taken that nostri should mean Saxones? He, it is true, may have meant those acquainted with Roman mythology.

Especially does the remarkable legend preserved by Paulus Diaconus 1, 8 show that it is Wodan who dispenses victory, to whom therefore, above all other gods, that antique name sihora (p. 27) rightfully belongs, as well as in the Eddas the epithets Sigtýr (god of victory), Sæm. 248, Sn. 94, Sigföðr (father of victory), Sæm. 68; AS. vîgsigor (victor in battle), Beow. 3107, sigmetod (creator of victory), Beow. 3554 (see Suppl.):

Refert hoc loco antiquitas ridiculam fabulam, quod accedentes Wandali ad Wodan, victoriam de Winilis postulaverint, illeque responderit, se illis victoriam daturum, quos primum oriente sole conspexisset. Tunc accessisse Gambaram ad Fream, uxorem Wodan, et Winilis victoriam postulasse, Freamque consilium dedisse, Winilorum mulieres solutos crines erga faciem ad barbae similitudineum componerent maneque primo cum viris adessent, seseque a Wodan videndas pariter e regione, qua ille per fenestram orientem versus erat solitus adspicere, collocarent; atque ita factum fuisse. Quas cum Wodan conspiceret oriente sole, dixisse: qui sunt isti Langobardi ? tunc Fream subjunxisse, ut quibus nomen tribuerat, victoriam condonaret, sicque Winilis Wodan victoriam concessisse. Here deacon Paul, as a good christian, drops the remark: Haec risu digna sunt, et pro nihilo habenda: victoria enim non potestati est adtributa hominum, sed e coelo potius ministratur; and then adds a more exact interpretation of the name Longobard: Certum tamen est Longobardos ab intactae ferro barbae longitudine, cum primitus Winili dicti fuerint, ita postmodum apellatos. Nam juxta illorum linguam lang longam, bart barbam significat. Wodan sane, quem adjecta litera Gwodan dixerunt, et ab universis Germaniae gentibus ut deus adoratur, qui non circa haec tempora, sed longe anterius, nec in Germania, sed in Graecia fuisse perhibetur. (7)

The whole fable bears the stamp of high antiquity; it has even been related by others before Paul, and with variations, as in the Hist. Francor. epitomata, which has for its author, though not Fredegar, yet some writer of the seventh century. Here Chuni (Huns) are named instead of Vandals:

Cum a Chunis (Langobardi) Danubium transeuntes fuissent comperti, eis bellum conati sunt inferre. Interrogati a Chunis, quare gens eorum terminos introire praesumeret ? At illi mulieribus suis praecipiunt, comam capitis ad maxillas et mentum ligare, quo potius virorum habitum simulantes plurimam multitudinem hostium ostenderent, eo quod erant mulierum comae circa maxillas et mentum ad instar barbae valde longae: fertur desuper utraeque phalangae vox dixisse: 'hi sunt Langobardi!' quod ab his gentibus fertur eorum deum fuisse locutum, quem fanatici nominant Wodanum (al. Wisodano, a mere copyist's or reader's error for Wuodano). Tunc Langobardi cum clamassent, qui instituerat nomen, concederet victoriam, in hoc praelio Chunos superant. (Bouquet 2, 406; according to Pertz., all the MSS. read Wodano.) In this account, Frea and her advice are nowhere; the voice of the god, giving the name, is heard up in th air.

It was the custom for any one who bestowed a name, to follow it up with a gift. (8) Wodan felt himself bound to confer the victory on those for whom he had found a new national name. In this consisted the favour of fortune, for the people, in dressing up their wives as men, had thought nothing but swelling the apparent numbers of their warriors. I need scarcely remind the reader, that this mythical interpretation of the Lombard name is a false one, for all the credit it found in the Mid. Ages. (9)

There is one more feature in the legend that must not escape our notice. Wodan from his heavenly dwelling looks down ont he earth through a window, which exactly agrees with ON. descriptions. Oðinn has a throne named Hliðskialf, sitting on which he can survey the whole world, and hear all that goes on among men: þar er einn staðr er Hliðscialf heitir, oc þaer Oðinn settiz þar i hâsæti, oc þâ sâ hann of alla heima, oc vissi alla luti, þâ er hann sâ (there is a stead that H. hight, and when O. sat there on high-seat, then saw he over all countries, and wist, &c.), Sn. 10. oc þâ er Allföðr sitr î þvî sæti, þâ ser hann of allan heim, Sn. 21. hlustar (listens) Oðinn Hliðscialfo î, Sæm. 89. When Loki wanted to hide, it was from this seat that Oðinn espied his whereabouts, Sn. 69. Sometimes also Frigg, his consort, is imagined sitting by his side, and then she enjoys the same prospect: Oðinn ok Frigg sâto î Hliðscialfo, ok sâ um heima alla, Sæm. 39. The proem to the Grimnismâl bears a strong resemblance to the legend in Paul; for, just as Frea pulls her favourites the Winili through, in opposition to Wodan's own resolve, so Frigg brings to grief Geirröðr whom Oðinn favoured.

Sensuous paganism, however, makes the god-like attribute of overseeing all things depend on the position or structure of a particular chair, and as the gift forsakes the god when he does not occupy the seat, others can enjoy the privilege by taking his place. This was the case when Freyr spied the beautiful Gerðr away down in Iötunheim; Freyr hafði setsc î Hliðskialf, oc sâ um heima alia, Sæm. 81. Sn. 39. The word hliðscialf seems to mean literally door-bench, from hlið (ostium, conf. Engl. lid), and skialf (scamnum), AS. scylfe, Cædm. 79, 4. Engl. shelf (see Suppl.). Mark the language in which the OS. poet describes the Ascension of Christ: sôhta imo thena hêlagon stôl, sitit imo thar an thea suîdron (right) half Godes, endi thanan all gisihit (seeth) waldandeo Crist, sô huat sô (whatso) thius werold behabêt, Hel. 176, 4- 7, conf. Cædm. 265, 16.

This idea of a seat in the sky, from which God looks on the earth, is not yet extinct among our people. The sitting on the right hand is in the Bible, but not the looking down. The formulas 'qui haut siet et de loing mire, qui haut siet et loins voit' (supra, p. 23) are not cases in point, for men everywhere have thought of the Deity as throned as high and seeing far around. Zeus also sits on Ida, and looks on at mortal men; he rules from Ida's top, ' Idhqen medewn, even as Helios, the eye of the sun, surveys and discerns all things, Il. 3, 277. But a widely-circulated märchen tells us of a mortal man, whom St. Peter admitted into heaven, and who, led on by curiosity, ended by climbing into the chair of the Lord, from which one can look down and see all that is done on the whole earth. He sees a washerwoman steal two lady's veils, and in his anger seizes the footstool of the Lord, which stands before the chair (al. a chair's leg), and hurls it down at the thief. (10) To such lengths has the ancient fable travelled. Can it be alluded to in the MHG. poem, Amgb. 3 ?

Der nû den himel hat erkorn,

der geiselt uns bi unser habe;

ich vürhte sêre, unt wirt im zorn,

den slegel wirft er uns her abe. (11)

In a Servian song (Vuk 4, 9) the angels descend to earth out of God's window (od Bózhieg prozóra; pro-zor (out-look, hence window) reminds one of zora (dawn), prozorie (morning twilight), and of Wodan at early morn looking toward the sunrise. The dawn is, so to speak, the opening in heaven, through which God looks into the world.

Also, what Paulus Diac. 1, 20 tells of the anger of the Lord (supra, p. 18), whereby the Herulian warriors were smitten before their enemies, I am inclined to trace up to Wuotan: Tanta super eos coelitus ira respexit; and again: Vae tibi, misera Herulia, quae coelestis Domini flecteris ira! Conf. Egilssaga p. 365: reiðr sê rögn ok Oðinn! wrathful see the gods and O.; and Fornald. sög. 1, 501: gramr er yðr Oðinn, angry is O. with you.

Victory was in the eyes of our forefathers the first and highest of gifts, but they regarded Wuotan not merely as dispenser of victory; I have to show next, that in the widest of sense he represented to them the god to whose bounty man has to look for every other distinction, who has the giving of all superior blessings; and in this sense also Hermes (Mercury) was to the Greeks pre-eminently dwtwr eawn, giver of good things, and I have ventured to guess that the name Gibika, Kipicho originally signified the same to us. (12)

The sum total of well-being and blessedness, the fulness of all graces, seems in our ancient language to have been expressed by a single word, whose meaning has since been narrowed down; it was named wunsch (wish). This word is probably derived from wunja, wunnja, our wonne, bliss; wunisc, wunsc, perfection in whatever kind, what we should call the Ideal. Thus, Er. 1699 'der wunsch was an ir garwe,' wish was in her complete; Iw. 3991 'daz mir des wunsches night gebrast,' nought of wish was wanting; Iw. 6468 'der rât, des der wunsch an wîbe gert,' such store as wish can crave in wife; Gerh. 1754 'an der got wunsches niht vergaz,' in whom God nought of wish forgot (left out); Parz. 742, 15 'der wunsch wirt in beiden'; Trist. 3710 'dir ist der wunsch gegeben'; Frauend. 87 'der wunsch von edlem obze,' the pick of noble fruit; Parz. 250, 25 'erden wunsches rîche,' rich in all gifts of the earth; 235, 24, 'erden wunsches überwal'; Trist. 4696. 4746 'der wunsch von worten, von bluomen'; Trist. 1374 'in dem wunsche sweben,' i.e., in perfect satisfaction. And the magic wand, by whose impact treasures are acquired, was a wunschligigerta, wishing-rod; conf. Parz. 235, 22 'wurzel unde rîs des wunsches,' root and spray of wish. The (secondary) meaning of 'desiring and longing for' these perfections would seem to have but accidentally attached itself to the wunsc, ON. ôsk (see Suppl.).

Among other Eddic names of Oðinn, appears Osci, Sæm. 46. Sn. 3, 24, i.e. he who makes men partakers of wunsch, of the highest gift. Osk, gen. Oskar, a woman's name, Fornm. sög. 1, 246. Eyrbyggja saga cap. 7. Laxd. p. 12.

Another thing seems to me to be connected with this, and therefore to be a relic of the heathen religion: the fact that our poets of the 13th century personify wunsch, and represent it as a mighty creative being. Instances in proof of this are found chiefly in Hartmann, Rudolf and Conrad:

Got erloubte dem Wunsche über in,

About him, God gave to Wish full leave,

daz er lîb unde sin

that he body and mind

meistert nach sîm werde.

fashioned according to his worth.

swâ von ouch ûf der erde

Of whatsoever upon earth,

deheinem man ze loben geschiht,

to any man, praiseworthy falls,

desn gebrast im niht; t

hereof lacked him nought;

der Wunsch het in gemeistert sô

Wish had him fashioned so,

daz er sîn was ze kinde vrô,

that he was glad of him for child,

wande er nights an im vergaz:

for he nought in him forgot:

er hetn geschaffet, kunder, baz.

he had him shapen, if he could, better.

Greg. 1091- 1100


man sagt daz nie kint gewan

They say that never a child won

ein lîp sô gar dem Wunsche glîch.

a body so wholly equal to Wish (or, exactly like Wish).

Ex. 330


alsôwas ez (daz phert) gestalt,

So was it wrought (the horse),

und ob er (der werltwîse man)

that if he (the wright) had had

danne den gewalt


von dem Wunsche hæte,

the command from Wish,

daz ez belibe stæte

that (his work) should be left unaltered,

swes er darzuo gedæhte,

whatever he attempted thereon,

und swenne erz volbræhte,

and when he had completed it,

daz erz für sich stalte

that he should set it before Him,

und er von sînem gwalte

and He at his discretion

dar abe næme t

herefrom should take away

swaz daran im missezæme,

whatever therein misliked him,


alsô was ez volkomen

so perfect was it

daz er dar abe nigt hete genomen

that he therefrom nought would have taken

alse grôz als umb ein hâr.

so great as a hair.

Er. 7375-87.



Als ez der Wunsch gebôt (bade). Er. 8213.

was ein Wunschkint (was a child of wish). Ex. 8277

Enîte was des Wunsches kint,

der an ir nihtes vergaz. Er. 8934.

dâ was ir hâr und ir lîch (lyke, lych, body)

so gar dem Wunsche gelîch (like). Iw. 1222.

diz was an ir (zuht, schæne, jugent) und gar der rât (all the store)

des der Wunsch (or wunsch?) an wîbe gert (desires.) Iw. 6468.

wande sie nie gesâhen (for they never had seen)

zwêne riter gestalt (two knights fashioned)

sô gar in Wunsches gewalt

an dem lîbe und an den siten (manners). Iw. 6913.

der Wunsch vluochet (curses) im sô. Iw. 7066.

mir hât der Wunsch gevluochet. Hartm. büchl. 2, 113.

er was schæne und wol gevar (for gefarwet, coloured),

rehte, als in der Wunsch erkôs (chose). Gerh. 771.

mîn herze in (ihnen, to them) des begunde jehen (acknowledge),

in wære des Wunsches flîz (zeal, care) bereit. Gerh. 1599.

an der der Wunsch mit kiusche bar

sîne süeze lebende fruht. Gerh.. 1660.

daz ich ir shæne kræne

ob allen frouwen schône

mit des Wunsches krône. Gerh. 1668.

ein regen ûz dem wolken vlôz

der ûf des Wunsches ouwe gôz

sô heizen regen (?). Gerh. 2307.

an lobe (praise) des Wunsches krône. Gerh. 2526.

swes ich begunde daz geschach (was accomplished),

der Wunsch ie mînen werken jach (ever to my works said yea)

des wunsches als ich wolte

und als ich wünschen solte. Gerh. 2945.

nach des Wunsches lêre (lore). Gerh. 4500.

der Wunsch mit sîner hende

vor wandel (change, fault) hete si getwagen (cleansed). Troj. 1212.

der Wunsch hât âne laugen (without lying, undeniably)

erzeiget an ir sîne kraft,

und sîner künste meisterschaft

mit vlîze an ir bewert (carefully evinced in her). Troj. 7569.

der Wunsch hât in gemachet wandels vrî (free of fault). Troj. 3154.

der Wunsch der hete an si geleit (gelegt, laid out, spent)

mê flîzes denne ûf elliu wip (more pains than on any woman). Troj. 19620.

sô daz er niemer wîbes leben

für sie geshepfen wolde baz (better);

dô leit (legte) er an sie manec model. Troj. 19627

und hæte sîn der Wunsch gesworn,

er wolde bilden ein shæner wîp,

und shepfen alsô klâren lîp

als Hêlenâ mîn frouwe treit (trägt, bears)

er müeste brechen sînen eit (eid, oath)

wan er kunde niemer (for he could never),

und solte bilden iemer (were he to shape for ever),

geshepfen wünneclîcher fruht. Troj. 19526-32.

ez hât ze sînem teile der Wunsch vergezzen niender. Engelh. 579.

daz haete an si der Wunsch geleit. Engelh. 4703.

der Wunsch der hete niht gespart

an ir die sîne meistershaft,

er hete sîne beste kraft

mit ganzem flîz an sie geleit. Der werlde lôn. 84.

Other poets personify too (not, however, Wolfram nor Gotfried):

der zweier kurtêsîe

sich ze dem Wunsche het geweten,

si wâre neinder ûz getreten. Wigal. 9246.

an ir shæne was wol schîn,

daz ir der Wunsch gedâhte. Wigal. 9281.

der Wunsch het sich geneiget in ir gewalt. ibid. 904.

in was der Wunsch bereit. ib. 10592.

des Wunsches amîe. ib. 7906. 8735.

wen mohte dâ erlangen,

dâ der Wunsch inne was. ib. 10612.

der Wunsch het si gemachet sô,

und ist ir ze kinde vrô. Amûr 1338. (Pf. 1343).

des Wunsches ougenweide (food for the eye)

sit ir und mîner sælden spil (are ye, and the play of my delight). Wigal. 8760. Amûr 1068. (Pf. 1072).

si schepfet ûz des Wunsches heilawâge (holy water). Martina, 259.

(diu hant) ist im grôz, lanc unde wiz,

zuo der het sich der Wunsch gesellet. Turl. Wh. 38.

hie stuont (here stood) der Wunsch. ib. 137.

dar an lît (therein lieth) wol des Wunsches vlîz. Tyrol E, 3.

si ist des Wunsches hôstez zil (highest mark or aim). Ms. 1, 84.

sie ist der Wunsch ûf erde. Ms. 2, 100.

sie ist des WUnsches ingesinde (one of W.'s household). Ms. 1, 6.

von ir scheitel ûf ir zêhen (from her crown to her toes)

sô ist niht an minneclîchen wîden wan (save, but) des Wunsches blic. MsH. 3, 493.

des Wunsches blüete sint entsprungen in mîne herzen. Fragm. 45.

si trage des Wunsches bilde. Ms. 1, 191.

des Wunsches krône tragen. Docen misc. 2, 186.

sie hât des Wunsches gewalt. Amgb. 31.

er was sô gar des Wunsches kint,

daz alle man gein (against, before) sîner schæne wâren blint,

und doch menlich gestalt bî clârem velle (complexion);

der Wunsch im niht gebrechen liez (let nought be lacking)

dâ von man's Wunsches kint den stolzen hiez (should call the stately one). Lohengr. ed. Rückert str. 625.

The following is outside the bounds of MHG.:

an yr yst Wensches vlyt geleit. Haupts seitschr. 3, 221. Mid. Dutch poems have no personifcation Wensch; nor is there a Wunsch in the Nibelungen or Gudrun; but in Wolfdietrich 970: des Wunsches ein amîe! There must be many more instances; but the earliest one I know of is found in the Entekrist from the 12th century (Hoffm. fundgr. 2, 107):

mit Wunschis gewalte With Wish's might

segniti sie der alte. The old man blessed her.

We see Wish provided with hands, power, looks, diligence, art, blossom, fruit; he creates, shapes, produces master-pieces, thinks, bows, swears, curses, is glad and angry, adopts as child, handmaid, friend: all such pretty-well stock phrases would scarcely have sprung up and lived in a poetry, in a language, if they did not unconsciously relate to a higher being, of whom earlier times had a livelier image; on such a basis indeed nearly all the personifcations made use of by MHG. poets seem to me to rest. In the majority of our examples we might fairly put the name of God in the place of Wish, or that of Wish in the phrases quoted on pp. 17-8, which describe the joyous or the angry God: freudenvoll hât sie Got gegozzen, MS. 1, 226; der Wunsch maz ir bilde, as mezzen is said of God, p. 23; and gebieten, to command, is just as technically applied to the one as to the other, p. 24. The 'gramr er yðr Oðinn,' p. 137, might be rendered in MHG 'der Wunsch zürnet iu, fluochet iu,' meaning, the world is sick of you. At times the poet seems to be in doubt, whether to say God or Wish: in the first passage from Gregor, Wish is subordinated, as a being of the second rank, so to speak, as a servant or messenger, to the superior god; the latter has to give him leave to assume his creative function, which in other cases he does of his own might. Again, when body, figure, hair are said to be 'like Wish,' it exactly reminds us of Homer's komai Caritessin omoiai, Il. 17, 51; and Caritej, the Gratiae, creatresses of grace and beauty, play precisely the part of our Wish, even down to the circumstance, that in addition to the personal meaning, there is an abstract Carij, gratia, as there is a wish. (13) Püterich of Reicherzhausen (Haupts zeitschr. 6, 48) speaks of 'die wuntsches füesse' of a princess; the older phrase would have been 'ir füeze wâren dem Wunsche gelîch'. It is a genuine bit of German heathenism to make this creative faculty reside in a god, and not, after the Greek fashion, in a female personage. And there are other features too, that point back to our native heathen eld. Wish's aue and heilwâc can be matched by Phol's ouwa and brunno, or the meads and holywells of other gods; Wish's crown by that worn by gods and kings. And, most remarkable of all, Wish rejoices in his creature as in a child; here Woden's self comes upon the scene as patriarch or paterfamilias, before whom created men make their appearance like children, friends, domestics; and 'wunschkint' is also used in the sense of an adopted, i.e. wished for, child. (14) Herbort 13330 makes Hecuba exclaim: ich hân einen sun verlorn, er gezæme gote ze kinde (would suit God as a child); which does not mean in a christian sense, 'God has doubtless been pleased to take him to Himself,' but in a heathen sense, 'he was so lovely, he might be called Wish's child'. For the Norse Oðinn too has these marvellous children and wish-maidens in his train (see Suppl.) (15)

To the ON. Oski ought by rights to correspond to OHG. Wunsco, Wunscjo, (weak decl.), which I am not able to produce even as a man's name (see Suppl.). (16) A MHG. Wunsche cannot be proved from Troj. 3154. 7569. 19620. 19726 (Straszb. MS.), both the metre and the strong gen. in -es forbidding. But the whole idea may in the earliest times have taken far stronger root in South Germany than in Scandinavia, since the Edda tells next to nothing of Oski, while our poetry as late as the 15th century has so much to say of Wunsch. That it was not foreign to the North either, is plainly proved by the Oskmeyjar = Wünschelfrauen, wish-woman; by the Oskasteinn, a philosopher's stone connected with our Wünschelrute, wishing-rod, and Mercury's staff; by Oskabyrr, MHG. Wunschwint, fair wind; by Oskabiörn, wish-bear, a sea-monster; all of which will be discussed more fully by and by. A fem. proper name Osk occurs in a few places; what if the unaccountable skopnir, Sæm. 188, were really to be explained as Osk-opnir? Opnir, Ofnir, we know, are epithets of Oðinn. Both word and meaning seem to grow in relevancy to our mythology, it is a stumbling-block indeed, that the AS. remains furnish no contribution, even the simple wûsc (optio, votum) seeming to be rare, and only wýscan (optare) in common use; yet among the mythic heroes of Deira we meet with a Wûscfreá, lord of Wish as it were; and to the Anglo-Saxons too this being may have merely become extinct, though previously well known (see Suppl.).

But to make up for it, their oldest poetry is still dimly conscious of another name of Wuotan, which again the Edda only mentions cursorily, though in Sæm. 46 it speaks of Oski and Omi in a breath, and in 91 uses Omi once more for Oðinn. Now this Omi stands related to ômr, sonus, fragor, as the AS. wôma to wôm, clamor, sonitus; I have quoted instances in Andr. and El. pp. xxx, xxxi, to which may now be added from the Cod. exon.: heofonwôma 52, 18. 62, 10; dægredwôma 179, 24; hildewôma 250, 32. 282, 15; wîges wôma 277, 5; wintres wôma 292, 22: in the last, the meaning of hiemis impetus, fragor, furor, is self-evident, and we see ourselves led up to the thought which antiquity connected with Wuotan himself: out of this living god were evolved the obstractions wuot (furor), wunsch (ideal), wôma (impetus, fragor). The gracious and grace-bestowing god was at other times called the stormful, the terror-striking, who sends a thrill through nature; even so the ON. has both an Yggr standing for Oðinn, and an yggr for terror. The AS. wôma is no longer found as Wôma; in OHG. wuomo and Wuomo are alike unknown. Thorpe renders the 'heofonwôman' above in a local sense by 'heaven's corners,' I doubt if correctly; in both the passages coeli fragores are meant. We may however imagine Omi, Wôma as an air-god, like the Hindu Indras, whose rush is heard in the sky at break of day, in the din of battle, and the tramp of the 'furious host' (see Suppl.).

Precisely as the souls of slain warriors arrive at Indra's heaven, (17) the victory- dispensing god of our ancestors takes up the heroes that fall in fight, into his fellowship, into his army, into his heavenly dwelling. Probably it has been the belief of all good men, that after death they would be admitted to a closer communion with diety. Dying is therefore, even according to the christian view, called going to God, turning home to God: in AS. metodscaft seon, Beow. 2360. Cædm. 104, 31. Or seeking, visiting God: OS. god suokian, Hel. 174, 26; fadar suokion, Hel. 143, 23; upôdashêm, lioht ôdar, sinlîf, godes rîki suokians, Hel. 85, 21. 17, 17. 63, 14. 137, 16. 176, 5. In a like sense the Thracians, acc. to Herodotus 4, 94, said ienai para Zulmoxin (Gebeleizin) daimona, which Zalmoxis or Zamolxes is held by Jornandes to be a deified king of the Goths (Getae). In th North, faring to Oðinn, being guest with Oðinn, visiting Oðinn, meant simply to die, Fornald. sög. 1, 118. 422-3, 2, 366. and was synonymous with faring to Valhöll, being guest at Valhöll, ib. 1, 106. Among the christians, these were turned into curses: far þû til Oðins! Oðins eigi þik! may Oðin's have thee (see Suppl.). Here is shown the inversion of the kindly being, with whom one fain would dwell, into an evil one, (18) whose abode inspires fear and dread. Further on, we shall exhibit more in detail the way in which Wuotan was pictured driving through the air at the head of the 'furious (wütende) host' named after him. Valhöll (aula optionis) and Valkyrja obviously express the notion of wish and choice (Germ. wahl, Scotch wale).

Of the peculiarities of figure and outward appearance of this god, which are brought out in such bold relief in the northern myths, I have found but few traces left among us in Germany. The Norse Oðinn is one-eyed, he wears a broad hat and wide mantle: Grimnir î feldi blâm, blue cloak, Sæm. 40. î heklu grænni ok blâm brôkum, green cloak and blue breeks, Fornald. sög. 1, 324. heklumaðr, cloaked man, 1, 325. When he desired to drink of Mîmi's fountain, he was obliged to leave one of his eyes in pawn, Sæm. 4, Sn. 15. (19) In Saxo, p. 12, he appears as grandaevus, altero orbus oculo; p. 37, armipotens, uno semper contentus ocello; p. 138, senex orbus oculis, hispido amictu. So in the Sagas: kom þar maðr gamall, miök orðspakr, einsýnn ok augdapr, ok hafði hatt sîðan; there came an old man, very word-wise, one-eyed and sad-eyed, and had a wide hat, Fornm. sög. 2, 138. hann hafir heklu flekkôtta ytir ser, sâ maðr var berfættr ok hafði knýtt lînbrôkum at beini, hann var hâr miök (very high), ok eldiligr ok einsýnn, Fornald. sög. 1, 120. þa kom maðr î bardagann með sîðann hatt ok heklu blâ (20) hann hafði eitt auga, ok geir (spear) î hendi, ib. 1, 145. þetta mun Oðinn gamli verit hafa, ok at vîsu var maðrinn einsýnn, ib. 1, 95. sâ hann mann mikinn með sîðun hetti, ib. 5, 250. með hetti Hângatýss gânga, cum cidari Odiniana incedere, Vigagl. saga, p. 168. Othinus, os pileo, ne cultu proderetur, obnubens, Saxo Gram. 44. An Eddic song already names him Sîðhöttr, broad-hatted, Sæm. 46, and one saga merely Höttr, hatted, Fornald. sög. 2, 25-6; conf. Müller sagabibl. 3, 142. Were it not for the name given him in the Grîmnismâl, I should have supposed it was the intention of the christians to degrade the old god by mean clothing, or else that, wrapt in his mantle, he was trying to conceal himself from christians. Have we a right here to bring in the pileati of Jornandes? A saga in Saxo, p. 12, tells prettily, how the blind old god takes up a protégé in his cloak, and carries him through the air, but Hading, peeping through a hole in the garment, observes that the horse is stepping over the sea-waves. As for that heklumaðr of the hat with its rim turned up, he is our Hakolberend at the head of the wild host, who can at once be turned into a Gothic Hakulabaírands, now that hakula for felonhj is found in 2 Tim. iv. 13.

Swedish folk-tales picture Odin as bald-headed, Iduna 10, 231. In the ancient poetry he is Harbarðr, Sîðgrani, Sîðskeggr, all in allusion to his thick growth of hair and beard. The name Redbeard I have elsewhere understood of Thor, but in Fornald. sög. 2, 239--257 the Grani and Rauðgrani are expressly Oðinn (see Suppl.).

The Norse myth arms Oðinn with a wonderful spear (geir), Gûngnir by name, Sæm. 196. Sn. 72; which I put on a par with the lance or sword of Mars, not the staff of Mercury. Sigmund's sword breaks, when he hacks at Oðinn's spear, Völs. saga cap. 11. He lends this spear to heroes to win victories with, Sæm. 165. A remarkable passage in the Fornm. sög. 5, 250 says: seldi honum reyrspiôta (gave him the reeden spear) î hönd, ok bað hann skiôta honum yfir lið Styrbiarnar, ok þat skyldi hann mæla: Oðin â yðr alla! All the enemies over whom the spear he shoots shall fly, are doomed to death, and the shooter obtains the victory. So too the Eyrbyggja saga p. 228: þâ skaut Steinþôrr at fornom sið til heilla ser yfir flock Snorra; where, it is true, nothing is said of the spear launched over the enemy being the god's. Sæm. 5, of Oðinn himself: fleigði ok î fôlk um skaut (see Suppl.).

To the god of victory are attached two wolves and two ravens, which, as combative courageous animals, follow the fight, and pounce upon the fallen corpses, Andr. and El. xxvi. xxvii. The wolves are named Geri and Freki, Sn. 42; and so late as the Hans Sachs (i. 5, 499), we read in a schwank, that the Lord God has chosen wolves for his hounds, that they are his cattle. The two ravens are Huginn and Muninn, from hugr (animus, cogitatio) and munr (mens); they are not only brave, but cunning and wise, they sit on the shoulders of Oðinn, and whisper in his ear whatever they see and hear, Sæm. 42, 88. Sn. 42. 56. 322. To the Greek Apollo too the wolf and raven were sacred; (21) his messenger the raven informed him when Korônis was unfaithful, and Aristeas accompanied him as a raven, Herod. 4, 15; a raven is perched aloft on the mantle of Mithras the sun-god. The Gospels represent the Holy Ghost as a dove descending upon Christ at his baptism, Lu. 3, 22, and resting upon him, emeinen ep auton, mansit, super eum, John 1, 32: 'in Krist er sih gisidalta,' says O. i. 25, 24; but Hel. 30, 1 of the dove: sat im uppan ûses drohtines ahslu (our Lord's shoulder). Is this an echo of heathen thoughts? None of the Fathers have this circumstance, but in the Mid. Ages there is talk enough about doves resting on shoulders; (22) and the dove, though frequently contrasted with the raven (which, like the wolf, the christians applied to the Evil one), may nevertheless be put in the place of it. OSwald's raven flies to his shoulder and arm, 749. 942. Oswald talks to it, 95-6, and kneels before it, 854. Conf. Zingerle, Oswalt p. 67 (see Suppl.). (23)

Now under that figure of the bearded old man, Wuotan is apparently to be regarded as a water-sprite or water-god, answering well to the Latin name of Neptunus which some of the earlier writers put upon him (p. 122). In ON. he is Hnikar, Hnikuðr, Nikarr, Nikuz, and the hesitation between the two forms which in Sn. 3 are expressly made optional

 'Nikarr eða (or) Nikuz'--may arise from the diversity of old dialects. Nikarr corresponds to the AS. Nicor, and Nikuz to OHG. Nichus, the initial Hn seems to be ON. alone. On these I shall have more to say, when treating of water-sprites (see Suppl.)

Another epithet of Oðinn is equally noticeable for its double form: Bifliði eða Biflindi, Sn. 3; Sæm. 46 has Biblindi. As bif (Germ. beben) signifies motus, aer, aqua, the quaking element, and the AS. lîðe is lenis, OHG. lindi, ON. linr (for linur); an AS. Bifliðe, Beofliðe, OHG. Pëpalindi, might be suggested by the soft movement of the air, a very apt name for the all- penetrating god; but these forms, if they gave rise to the Norse term, are no longer found in AS. or OHG. Wuotan's dominion both over the air and over the water explains, how it is that he walks on the waves, and comes rushing on the gale.

It is Oðinn that sends wind to the ships, Fornm. sög. 2, 16, hence a good sailing wind is called ôskabyrr, Sæm. 165, i.e., Oskabyrr; byrr is from byrja, OHG. purran, to rise, be lifted up. It is in striking accord with this, that the MHG. poets use wunschwint in the same sense; Hartmann says, Greg. 615:

Dô sande in (to them) der süeze Krist

den vil rehten wunschwint (see Suppl.)

But other attributes of Wuotan point more to Hermes and Apollo. He resembles the latter, in as much as from him proceed contagious diseases and their cure; any severe illness is the stroke of God, and Apollo's arrows scatter pestilence. The Guals also imagined that Apollo drove away diseases (Apollinem morbos depellere, Caes. B. G. 6, 17); and Wôdan's magic alone can cure Balder's lamed horse. The raven on the god's shoulder exactly fits Apollo, and still more plainly the circumstance that Oðinn invented the poetic art, and Saga is his divine daughter, just as the Greek Muses, though daughters of Zeus, are under Apollo's protection, and in his train.

On the other hand, writing and the alphabet were not invented by Apollo, but by Hermes. The Egyptian priests placed Hermes at the head of all inventions (Iamblick. de myst. Aegypt. 8,1), and Theuth or Thoth is said to have first discovered letters (Plato's Phaedr. 1, 96, Bekker), while, acc. to Hygin. fab. 143, Hermes learnt them by watching the flight of cranes. In the AS. dialogue between Saturn and Solomon, we read (Thorpe's anal. p. 100): 'saga me, hwâ ærôst bôcstasfas sette?' 'ic the secge, Mercurius se gygand'. Another dialogue, entitled Adrian and Epictus (MS. Brit. mus. Arund. no. 351. fol. 39) asks: 'quis primus fecit literas?' and answers 'Seith, which is either a corruption of Theuth, or the Seth of the Bible. Just so the Eddic Rûnatals þâttr seems to ascribe the first teaching of runes to Oðinn, if we may so interpret the words: nam ec upp rûnar, Sæm. 28. þær ofrêð, þær freist, þær ofhungði Hroptr, i.e., then Oðinn read out, cut out, thought out, Sæm. 195. Also Snorri, Yngl. cap. 7: allar þessar îdrôttir kendi hann með rûnum ok liôðum. Hincmar of Rheims attributes to Mercury the invention of dice-playing: sicut isti qui de denariis quasi jocari dicuntur, quod omnino diabolicum est, et, sicut legimus, primum diabolus hoc per Mercurium prodidit, unde et Mercurius inventor illius dicitur, 1, 656. Conf. Schol. to Odyss. 23, 198, and MS. 2, 124: der tiuvel schuof das würfelspil. Our folk-tales know something about this, they always make the devil play at cards, and entice others to play (see Suppl.) (24). When to this we add, that the wishing-rod, i.e., Wish's staff, recals Mercury's caduceus, and the wish-wives, i.e., oskmeyjar, valkyrior, the occupation of the Psychopompos; we may fairly recognise an echo of the Gallic (25) or Germanic Mercury in the epithet Trismegistos (Lactantius i. 6, 3. vi. 25, 10. ter maximus Hermes in Ausonius), which later poets, Romance and German, in the 12th and 13th centuries (26) transferred to a Saracen deity Termagan, (27) Tervagan, Tervigant, Terviant. Moreover, when Hermes and Mercury are described as dator bonorum, and the Slavs again call the same god Dobro- pan (p. 130, note), as if mercis dommus; it is worth noticing, that the Misnere Amgb. 42, in enumerating all the planets, singles out Mercury to invoke in the words: Nu hilf mir, daz mir sælde wache! schin er mir ze gelücke, noch sô kum ich wider ûf der sælden phat (pfad). Just so I find Odin invoked in Swedish popular songs: Hielp nu, Oden Asagrim! Svenska fornsägor 1, 11. hielp mig Othin! 1, 69. To this god first and foremost the people turned when in distress; I suppose he is called Asagrim, because among the Ases he bore the name of Grîmnir?

It is therefore not without significance, that also the wanderings of the Herald of gods among men, in whose hovels he now and then takes up his lodging, are parallelled especially by those of Oðinn and Hænir, or, in christian guise, of God and St. Peter.

Our olden times tell of Wuotan's wanderings, his waggon, his way, his retinue (duce Mercurio, p. 128).

We know that in the very earliest ages the seven stars forming the Bear in the northern sky were thought of as a four-wheeled waggon, its pole being formed by the three stars that hang downwards:

Apkton q , hn kai a m a x a n epiklhsin kaleousin. Il. 18, 487. Od. 5, 273. So in OHG. glosses: ursa wagen, Jun. 304; in MHG. himelwagen, Walth. 54, 3. (28) herwagen Wackern. Ib. 1. 772, 26. The clearest explanation is given by Notker cap. 64: Selbiu ursa ist pî demo norde mannelîchemo zeichenhaftiu fone dien siben glatên sternôn, die allêr der liut wagen heizet, unde nâh einemo gloccun joche (29) gescaffen sint, unde ebenmichel sint, âne (except) des mittelôsten. The Anglo-Saxons called the constellation wænes þîsl (waggon's thill, pole), or simply þîsl, but carles wæn also is quoted in Lye, the Engl. charles wain, Dan. karlsrogn, Swed. karlwagn. Is carl here equivalent to lord, as we have herrenwagen in the same sense? or is it a transference to the famous king of christian legend? But, what concerns us here, the constellation appears to have borne in heathen times the full name of Wuotanes wagan, after the highest god of heaven. The Dutch language has evidence of this in a MS. of as late as 1470: ende de poeten in heure fablen heetend (the constell.) ourse, dat is te segghene Woenswaghen. And elsewhere: dar dit teekin Arcturus, dat wy heeten Woonswaghen, up staet; het sevenstarre ofde Woenswaghen; conf. Huydec. proeven 1, 24. I have nowhere met with plaustrum Mercurii, nor with an ON. Oðins vagn; only vagn â himnum.

It is a question, whether the great open highway of heaven

to which people long attached a peculiar sense of sacredness, and perhaps allowed this to eclipse the older fancy of a 'milky way' (caer Gwydion, p. 150)

was not in some districts called Wuotanes wec or strâza (way or street). Wôdenesweg, as the name of a place, stood its ground in Lower Saxony, in the case of a village near Magdeburg, Ch. ad ann. 973 in Zeitschr. für archivk. 2, 349; an older doc. of 937 is said to have Watanesweg (conf. Wiggert in the Neu. mitth. des thür. vereins VI. 2, 22). praedium in Wôdeneswege, Dietm. Merseb. 2, 14 p. 750. Annal. Saxo 272. Johannes de Wdenswege, Heinricus de Wôdensweghe (Lenz.) Brandenb. urk. p. 74 (anno 1273), 161 (anno 1303). later, Wutenswege, Godenschwege, Gutenswegen, conf. Ledebur n. arch. 2, 165, 170. Gero ex familia Wodenswegiorum, Ann. Magdeb. in chron. Marienthal. Meibom 3, 263. I would mention here the lustration der koninges strate, RA. 69; in the Uplandslag vidherb. balkr 23, 7 the highway is called karlsveg, like the heavenly wain above. But we shall have to raise a doubt by and by, whether the notion of way, via, is contained at all in Wodensweg.

Plainer, and more to the purpose, appear the names of certain mountains, which in heathen times were sacred to the service of the god. At Sigtýs bergi, Sæm. 248. Othensberg, now Onsberg, on the Danish I. of Samsöe; Odensberg in Schonen. Godesberg near Bonn, in docs. of Mid. Ages Gudenesberg, Günther 1, 211 (anno 1131), 1, 274 (anno 1143), 2, 345 (anno 1265); and before that, Wôdenesberg, Lacomblet 97. 117, annis 947, 974. So early as in Caesarius heisterb. 8, 46 the two forms are put together: Gudinsberg vel, ut alii dicunt, Wudinsberg. Near the holy oak in Hesse, which Boniface brought down, there stood a Wuodenesberg, still so named in a doc. of 1154 (Schminke beschr von Cassel, p. 30, conf. Wenk 3, 79), later Vdenesberg, Gudensberg; this hill is not to be confounded with Gudensberg by Erkshausen, district Rotenburg (Niederhess. wochenbl. 1830, p. 1296), nor with a Gudenberg by Oberelsungen and Zierenberg (ib. p. 1219. Rommel 2, 64. Gudenburg by Landau, p. 212); so that three mountains of this name occur in Lower Hesse alone; conf. 'montem Vodinberg, cum silva eidem monti attinente,' doc. of 1265 in Wenk II, no. 174. In a different neighbourhood, a Henricus comes de Wôdenesberg is named in a doc. of 1130, Wedekind's notes 1, 367; a curtis Wôdenesberg in a doc. of 973, Falke tradit. corb. 534. Gotansberg (anno 1275), Langs reg. 3, 471: vineas duas gotansberge vocatas. Mabillon's acta Bened. sec. 5, p. 208 contain the following: 'in loco ubi mons quem dicunt Wonesberth (l. Wônesberch = Wôdanesberg) a radicibus astra petit,' said to be situate in pagus Gandavensis, but more correctly Mt. Ardenghen between Boulogne and St. Omer. Comes Wadanimontis, aft. Vaudemont in Lorraine (Don Calmet, tome 2, preuves XLVIII. L. ), seems to be the same, and to mean Wodanimons. (30) A Wôdnes beorg in the Sax. Chron. (Ingram pp. 27. 62), later Wodnesborough, Wansborough in Wiltshire; the corruption already in Ethelwerd p. 835: 'facta ruina magna ex utraque parte in loco qui dicitur Wodnesbyrg' for Wodnesberg; but Florence, ed. 1592, p. 225, has 'Wodnesbeorh, id est mons Wodeni'. (31) A Wôdnesbeorg in Lappenberg's map near the Bearucwudu, conf. Wodnesbury, Wodnesdyke, Wôdanesfeld in Lappenb. engl. gesch. 1, 131. 258. 354. To this we must add, that about the Hessian Gudensberg the story goes that King Charles lies prisoned in it, that he there won a victory over the Saxons, and opened a well in the wood for his thirsting army, but he will yet come forth of the mountain, he and his host, at the appointed time. The mythus of a victorious army pining for water is already applied to King Carl by the Frankish annalists (Pertz 1, 150. 348), at the very moment when they bring out the destruction of the Irminsûl; but beyond a doubt it is older and heathen: Saxo Gram. 42 has it of the victorious Balder. The agreement of such legends with fixed points in the ancient cultus cannot but heighten and confirm their significance. A people whose faith is falling to pieces, will save here and there a fragment of it, by fixing it on a new and unpersecuted object of veneration. After such numerous instances of ancient Woden-hills, one need not be afraid to claim a mons Mercurii when mentioned in Latin annalists, such as Fredegar.

Other names occur, besides those of mountains. The breviarium Lulli, in Wenk II. no 12, names a place in Thuringia: ' in Wudaneshusum,' and again Woteneshusun (conf. Schannat no. 84. 105); in Oldenburg there is a Wodensholt, now Godensholt, cited in a land-book of 1428, Ehrentraut Fries. arch. 1, 445: 'to Wodensholte Tideke Tammen gut x schillings'; Wothenower (Wôdenôver?), seat of a Brandenburg family, Höfers urk. p. 270, anno 1334; not far from Bergen op Zoom and the Scheldt, towards Antwerp, stands to this day a Woensdrecht, as if Wodani trajectum. Woensel = Wodenssele, Wodani aula, lies near Eindhoven on the Dommel in N. Brabant; a remarkable passage on it in Gramaye's Taxandria, p. 23, was pointed out to me by J. W. Wolf: Imo amplius supersunt aperte Cymbricorum dorum pagis aliquot, ubi forte culti erant, indita nomina, nominatim Mercurii in Woensel, honoris in Eersel, Martis in Roysel. Uti enim Woen Mercurium eis dictum alias docui, et eer honorem esse omnes sciunt, ita Roy Martem a colore sanguineo cognominatum ostendunt illi qui tertiam hebdomadis feriam Roydach indigitant. In due time I shall speak of Eersel and Roysel, which lie in the neighbourhood of Woensel, and all of them in the N. Brabant district of Oirschot. This Woensel is like the Oðinssalr, Othänsäle, Onsala named on p. 158. Wunstorp, Wunsdorf, a convent and small town in Lower Saxony, stands unmutilated as Wodenstorp in a doc. of 1179, Falke tradit. corb. 770. Near Windbergen in the Ditmar country, an open space in a wood bears the name of Wodenslag, Wonslag. Near Hadersleben in Schleswig are the villages of Wonsbeke, Wonslei, Woyens formerly Wodensyen. An AS. doc. of 862 (Kemble 2, 73) contains in a boundary-settlement the name Wônstoc = Wôdenesstoc, Wodani stipes, and at the same  ime betrays the influence of the god on ancient delimitation. Wuotan, Hermes, Mercury, all seem to be divinities of measurement and demarcation; conf. Woedensspanne, Woenslet, p. 160 (see Suppl.).

As these names, denoting the waggon and the mountain of the old gods, have survived chiefly in Lower Germany, where heathenism maintained itself longest; a remarkable custom of the people in Lower Saxony at harvest-time points the same way. It is usual to leave a clump of standing corn in a field to Woden for his horse. Oðinn in the Edda rides the eight-footed steed Sleipnir, the best of all horses, Sæm. 46 93. Sn. 18. 45. 65. Sleipnis verðr (food) is a poetic name for hay, Yngl. saga cap. 21: other sagas speak of a tall white horse, by which the god of victory might be recognised in battles (see Suppl.). Christianity has not entirely rooted out the harmless practice for the Norse any more than for the Saxon peasant. In Schonen and Blekingen it continued for a long time to be the custom for reapers to leave on the field a gift for Oden's horses. (32) The usage in Mecklenburg is thus described by Gryse: Ja, im heidendom hebben tor tid der arne (at harvest-tide) de meiers (mowers) dem afgade Woden umme god korn angeropen (invoked for good corn), denn wenn de roggenarne geendet, heft men up den lesten platz eins idern (each) veldes einen kleinen ord unde humpel korns unafgemeiet stan laten, datsülve baven (b' oben, a-b' ove) an den aren drevoldigen to samende geschörtet, unde besprenget (ears festooned together three times, and sprinkled). Alle meiers sin darumme her getreden, ere höde (their hats) vam koppe genamen (v. supra, p. 32), unde ere seisen (scythes) na der sülven wode [mode?] unde geschrenke (encircling) dem kornbusche upgerichet, und hebben den Wodendüvel dremal semplik lud averall also angeropen unde gebeden:

Wode, hale (fetch) dinem rosse nu voder,

nu distil unde dorn,

tom andern jar beter korn!

welker afgödischer gebruk im Pawestom gebleven. Daher denn ok noch an dissen orden dar heiden gewanet, bi etliken ackerlüden (-leuten, men) soker avergelövischer gebruk in anropinge des Woden tor tid der arne gespöret werd, und ok oft desülve helsche jeger (the same hellish hunter), sonderliken im winter, des nachtes up dem velde mit sinen jagethunden sik hören let. (33)

David Franck (Meklenb. 1, 56-7), who has heard the same from old people, quotes the rhyme thus:

Wode, Wode,

hal dinen rosse nu voder,

nu distel un dorn,

ächter jar beter korn!

He adds, that at the squires' mansions, when the rye is all cut, there is Wodel-beer served out to the mowers; no one weeds flax on a Wodenstag, lest Woden's horse should trample the seeds; from Christmas to Twelfth-day they will not spin, nor leave any flax on the distaff, and to the question why? they answer, Wode is galloping across. We are expressly told, this wild hunter Wode rides a white horse. (34) Near Sätuna in Vestergötland are some fine meadows called Onsängarne (Odens ängar, ings), in which the god's horses are said to have grazed, Afzelius 1, 4. In S. Germany they tell of the lord of the castle's grazing gray (or white), Mone anz. 3, 259; v. infra, the 'wütende heer'. I have been told, that in the neighbourhood of Kloppenburg in Oldenburg, the harvesters leave a bunch of corn-stalks uncut on the field, and dance round it. There may be a rhyme sung over it still, no doubt there was formerly.

A custom in Schaumburg I find thus described: (35) the people go out to mow in parties of twelve, sixteen or twenty scythes, but it is so managed, that on the last day of harvest they are all finished at the same time, or some leave a strip standing which they can cut down at a stroke the last thing, or they merely pass their scythes over the stubble, pretending there is still some left to mow. At the last stroke of the scythe they raise their implements aloft, plant them upright, and beat the blades three times with the strop. Each spills on the field a little of the drink he has, whether beer, brandy, or milk, then drinks himself, while they wave their hats, beat their scythes three times, and cry aloud Wôld, Wôld, Wôld! and the women knock all the crumbs out of their baskets on the stubble. They march home shouting and singing. Fifty years ago a song was in use, which has now died out, but whose first strophe ran thus:

Wôld, Wôld, Wôld!

hävenhüne weit wat schüt,

jümm hei dal van häven süt.

Vulle kruken un sangen hät hei,

upen holte wässt (grows) manigerlei:

hei is nig barn un wert nig old.

Wôld, Wôld, Wôld!

If the ceremony be omitted, the next year will bring bad crops of hay and corn.

Probably, beside the libation, there was corn left standing for the venerated being, as the fourth line gives us to understand: 'full crocks and shocks hath he'; and the second strophe may have brought in his horse. 'Heaven's giant knows what happens, ever he down from heaven sees,' accords with the old belief in Wuotan's chair (p. 135); the sixth line touches off the god that ‘ne'er is born and ne'er grows old’ almost too theosophically. Wôld, though excused by the rhyme, seems a corruption of Wôd, Wôde, (36) rather than a contraction from waldand (v. supra. p. 21). A Schaumburg man pronounced the name to me as Wauden, and related as follows: On the lake of Steinhude, the lads from the village of Steinhude go every autumn after harvest, to a hill named Heidenhügel, light a fire on it, and when it blazes high, wave their hats and cry Wauden, Wauden! (see Suppl.).

Such customs reveal to us the generosity of the olden time. Man has no wish to keep all his increase to himself; he gratefully leaves a portion to the gods, who will in future also protect his crops. Avarice increased when sacrificing ceased. Ears of corn are set apart and offered here to Wuotan, as elsewhere to kind spirits and elves, e.g., to the brownies of Scotland (see Suppl. to Elves, pixy-hoarding).

It was not Wuotan exclusively that bestowed fertility on the fields; Donar, and his mother the Earth, stood in still closer connexion with agriculture. We shall see that goddess put in the place of Wuotan in exacly similar harvest-ceremonies.

In what countries the worship of the god endured the longest, may be learnt from the names of places which are compounded with his name, because the site was sacred to him. It is very unlikely that they should be due to men bearing the same name as the god, instead of to the god himself; Wuotan, Oðinn, as a man's name, does occur, but not often; and the meaning of the second half of the compounds, and their reappearance in various regions, are altogether in favour of their being attributable to the god. From Lower Germany and Hesse, I have cited (p. 151) Wôdenesweg, Wôdenesberg, Wôdenesholt, Wôdeneshûsun, and on the Jutish border Wonsild; from the Netherlands Woensdrecht; in Upper Germany such names hardly show themselves at all. (37) In England we find: Woodnesboro in Kent, near Sandwich: Wednesbury and Wednesfield in Staffordshire; Wednesham in Cheshire, called Wodnesfield in Ethelwerd p. 848. (38) But their number is more considerable in Scandinavia, where heathenism was preserved longer: and if in Denmark and the Gothland portion of Sweden they occur more frequently than in Norway and Sweden proper, I infer from this a preponderance of Odin-worship in South Scandinavia. The chief town in the I. of Funen (Fion) was named Odinsve (Fornm. sög. 11, 266. 281) from ve, a sanctuary; sometimes also Oðinsey (ib. 230. 352) from ey, island, meadow; and later again Odense, and in Waldemar's Liber censualis (39) 530. 542 Othänsö. In Lower Norway, close to Frederikstad, a second Oðinsey (Heimskr. ed. Havn. 4, 348. 398), aft. called Onsö. In Jutland, Othänsäle (-saal, hall, ib. 533), now Onsala (Tuneld's geogr. 2, 492. 504); as well as in Old Norway an Odhinssalr (conf. Woensel in Brabant, Woenssele ?). In Schonen, Othänshäret (Wald. lib. cens. 528); Othenshärat (Bring 2, 62. 138. 142), (40) now Onsjö (Tuneld 2, 397); Onslunda (-grove, Tuneld 2, 449); Othensvara (Bring 2, 46-7, Othenvara 39); Othenströö (Bring 2, 48), from vara, foedus, and tro, fides? In Småland, Odensvalahult (Tuneld 2, 146) and Odenskälla (2, 264), a medicinal spring; Odensåker (-acre, field, 2, 204. 253). In Westmanland, Odensvi (1, 266. conf. Grau, p. 427), (41) like the Odinsve of Fünen; and our Lower Saxon Wodeneswegs may have to do with this ve (not with weg, via), and be explained by the old wig, wih, templum (see p. 67). This becomes the more credible, as there occurs in the Cod. exon. 341, 28 the remarkable sentence:

Wôden worhte weos, wuldor alwealda rûme roderas;

i.e., Wôden construxit, creavit fana (idols), Deus omnipotens amples coelos; the christian writer had in his recollection the heathen sanctuaries assigned to Wôden, and contrasts with them the greater creations of God. The plur. weos is easily justified, as ih is resolved into weoh, and weohas contracted into weos: so that an AS. Wôdenesweoh would exactly fit the OS. Wôdanesweg = Wôdaneswih, and the ON. Oðinsve. Also in Westmanland, an Odensjö (Grau p. 502). In Upland, Odensala (Tuneld 1, 56); Odensfors (1, 144); Onsike (1, 144). In Nerike, Odensbacke (1, 240), (see Suppl.).

It seemed needful here to group the most important of these names together, and no doubt there are many others which have escaped me; (42) in their very multitude, as well as the similarity or identity of their structure, lies the full proof of their significance. Few, or isolated, they might have been suspected, and explained otherwise; taken together, they are incontestable evidence of the wide diffusion of Odin's worship.

Herbs and plants do not seem to have been named after this god. In Brun's beitr., p. 54, wodesterne is given as the name of a plant, but we ought first to see it in a distincter form. The Icelanders and Danes however call a small waterfowl (tringa minima, inquieta, lacustris et natans) Oðinshani, Odenshane, Odens fugl, which fits in with the belief, brought out on p. 147, in birds consecrated to him. An OHG. gloss (Haupts altd. bl. 2, 212) supplies a doubtful-looking vtinswalwwe, fulica (see Suppl.).

Even a part of the human body was named after the god: the space between the thumb and the forefinger when stretched out, which the Greeks name licaj, was called in the Netherlands Woedensspanne, Woedenspanne, Woenslet. The thumb was sacred, and even worshipped as thumbkin and Pollux = pollex; Wodan was the god of play, and lucky men were said to have the game running on their thumb. We must await further disclosures about the name, its purport, and the superstition lying at the bottom of it (see Suppl.).

I started with assuming that the worship of this divinity was common to all the Teutonic races, and foreign to none, just because we must recognise him as the most universal and the supreme one. Wuotan

so far as we have succeeded in gleaning from the relics of the old religion an idea of his being

Wuotan is the most intellectual god of our antiquity, he shines out above all other gods; and therefore the Latin writers, when they speak of the German cultus, are always prompted to make mention first of Mercury.

We know that not only the Norsemen, but the Saxons, Thuringians, Alamanns and Langobards worshipped this deity; why should Franks, Goths, and the rest be excluded from his service?

At the same time there are plain indications that his worship was not always and everywhere the dominant one. In the South of Germany, although the personification of Wish maintained its ground, Wuotan became extinct sooner than in the North; neither names of places, nor that of the fourth day of the week, have preserved him there. Among the Scandinavians, the Swedes and Norwegians seem to have been less devoted to him than the Gotlanders and Danes. The ON. sagas several times mention images of Thor, never one of Oðinn; only Saxo Gram. does so in an altogether mythical way (p. 113); Adam of Bremen, though he names Wodan among the Upsala gods, assigns but the second place to him, and the first to Thor. Later still, the worship of Freyr seems to have predominated in Sweden.

An addition to the St. Olaf saga, though made at a later time, furnishes a striking statement about the heathen gods whom the introduction of christianity overthrew. I will quote it here, intending to return to it from time to time: 'Olafr konûngr kristnaði þetta rîki allt, öll blôt braut hann niðr ok öll goð, sem Thôr Engilsmanna goð, ok Oðin Saxa goð, ok Skiöld Skânûnga goð, ok Frey Svîa goð, ok Goðorm Dana goð' ; i.e. king O. christened all this kingdom, broke down all sacrifices and all gods, as Thor the Englishmen's god, Oðin the Saxons' god, &c., Fornm. sög. 5, 239.

This need not be taken too strictly, but it seems to me to express the still abiding recollections of the old national gods: as the Swedes preferred Freyr, so probably did the Saxons Wôden, to all other deities. Why, I wonder, did the writer, doubtless a Norwegian, omit the favourite god of his own countrymen? To them he ought to have given Thor, instead of the English, who, like other Saxons, were votaries of Wôden.

Meanwhile it must not be overlooked, that in the Abrenuntiatio, an 8th century document, not purely Saxon, yet Low German,Old Frankish and perhaps Ripuarian, Thunar is named before Vuodan, and Saxnôt occupies the third place. From this it follows at all events, that the worship of Thunar also prevailed in those regions; may we still vindicate Wuodan's claims to the highest place by supposing that the three gods are here named in the order in which their statues were placed side by side? that Wuodan, as the greatest of them, stood in the middle ? as, according to Adam of Bremen, Thor did at Upsala, with Wodan and Fricco on each side of him.

In the ON. sagas, when two of these gods are named together, Thôrr usually precedes Oðinn. The Laxdælasaga, p. 174, says of Kiartan: At hann þykist eiga meira traust undir afli sinu ok vâpnum (put more trust in his strength and weapons, conf. pp. 6, 7) heldr enn þar sem er Thôrr ok Oðinn. The same passage is repeated in Fornm. sög. 2, 34. Again, Eyvindr relates how his parents made a vow before his birth: At sâ maðr skal alt til dauðadags þiona Thôr ok Oðni (this man shall until death-day serve, &c.), Fornm. sög. 2, 161. (43) But it does not follow from this, that Thôrr was thought the greatest, for Eyvindr was actually dedicated to Oðinn. In Fornm. sög. 5, 249, Styrbiörn sacrifices to Thôrr, and Eirekr to Oðinn, but the former is beaten. Thôrr tôk jolaveizlu frâ Haraldi, enn Oðinn tôk frâ Hâlfdâni, Fornm. sög. 10, 178. In the popular assembly at Thrândheim, the first cup is drunk to Oðinn, the second to Thôrr, ibid. 1, 35. In the famous Bravalla fight, Othin under the name of Bruno acts as charioteer to the Danish king Harald, and to the latter's destruction; on the Swedish side there fight descendents of Freyr, Saxo Gram. 144-7. Yet the Eddic Harbarzlioð seems to place Oðinn above Thôrr. A contrast between Oðinn and Thôrr is brought out strongly in the Gautrekssaga quoted below, ch. XXVIII. But, since Thôrr is represented as Oðin's son, as a rejuvenescence of him, the two must often resolve into one another. (44)

If the three mightiest gods are named, I find Oðinn foremost: Oðinn, Thôr, Freyr, Sn. edda 131. According to Fornm. sög. 1, 16, voyagers vow money and three casks of ale to Freyr, if a fair wind shall carry them to Sweden, but to Thôrr or Oðinn, if it bring them home to Iceland (see Suppl.).

It is a different thing, when Oðinn in ON. documents is styled Thridi, the third; (45) in that case he appears not by the side of Thôrr and Freyr, but by the side of Hâr and Iafnhâr (the high and the even-high or co-equal, OHG. epan hôh) as the Third High (46) (see Suppl.), Sn. 7. Yngl. saga 52. Sæm. 46. As we might imagine, the grade varies: at other times he is Tveggi (duplex or secundus). Again, in a different relation he appears with his brothers Vili and Ve, Sn. 7; with Hænir and Loðr, Sæm. 3, or with Hænir and Loki Sæm. 180. Sn. 135; all this rests upon older myths, which, as peculiar to the North, we leave on one side. Yet, with respect to the trilogy Oðinn, Vili, Ve, we must not omit to mention here that the OHG. willo expresses not only voluntas, but votum, impetus and spiritus, (47) and the Gothic viljan, velle, is closely connected with valjan, eligere; whence it is easy to conceive and believe, how Wuotan, Wish and Will should touch one another (see Suppl.). With the largitor opum may also be connected the AS. wela, OS. welo, OHG. wolo, welo = opes, felicitas [weal, wealth], and Wela comes up several times almost as a personification (conf. Gramm. 4, 752), like the Lat. goddess Ops (conf. infra Sælde, note); there is also a Vali among the Norse gods. In the case of Ve, gen. vea, the sense may waver between wiho, sanctus (Goth. Ahma sa veiha, Holy Ghost), and wih, idolum. In Sæm. 63, Loki casts the teeth of Frigg her intrigues with Ve and Vili; this refers to the story in Yngl. saga cap. 3, from which we clearly gather the identity of the three brothers, so that Frigg could be considered the wife of any one of them. (48)

Lastly, a principal proof of the deeply-rooted worship of this divinity is furnished by Wôdan's being interwoven with the old Saxon genealogies, which I shall examine minutely in the Appendix. (49)

Here we see Wôdan invariably in the centre. To him are traced up all the races of heroes and kings; among his sons and his ancestors, several have divine honours paid them. In particular, there appear as sons, Balder and that Saxnôt who in the 8th century was not yet rooted out of N.W. Germany; and in the line of his progenitors, Heremôd and Geât, the latter expressly pronounced a god, or the son of a god, in these legends, while Wôdan himself is regarded more as the head of all noble races. But we easily come to see, that from a higher point of view both Geát and Wôdan merge into one being, as in fact Oðinn is called 'alda Gautr,' Sæm. 93 95; conf. infra Goz, Koz.

In these genealogies, which in more than one direction are visibly interwoven with the oldest epic poetry of our nation, the gods, heroes and kings are mixed up together. As heroes become deified, so can gods also come up again as heroes; amid such reappearances , the order of succession of the individual links varies [in different tables].

Each pedigree ends with real historical kings: but to reckon back from these, and by the number of human generations to get at the date of mythical heroes and gods, is preposterous. The earliest Anglo-Saxon kings that are historically certain fall into the fifth, sixth or seventh century; count four, eight or twelve generations up to Wôden, you cannot push him back farther than the third or fourth century. Such calculations can do nothing to shake our assumption of his far earlier existence. The adoration of Wôden must reach up to immemorial times, a long way beyond the first notices given us by the Romans of Mercury's worship in Germania.

There is one more reflection to which the high place assigned to by the Germans to their Wuotan may fairly lead us. Monotheism is a thing so necessary, so natural, that almost all heathens, admidst their motley throng of deites, have consciously or unconsciously ended by acknowledging a supreme god, who has already in him the attributes of all the rest, so that these are only to be regarded as emanations from him, renovations, rejuvenescences of him. This explains how certain characteristics come to be assigned, now to this, now to that particular god, and why one or another of them, according to the difference of nation, comes to be invested with supreme power. Thus our Wuotan resembles Hermes and Mercury, but he stands higher than these two; contrariwise, the German Donar (Thunor, Thôrr) is a weaker Zeus or Jupiter; what was added to the one, had to be subtracted from the other; as for Ziu (Tiw, Tyr), he hardly does more than administer one of Wuotan's offices, yet is identical in name with the first and highest god of the Greeks and Romans: and so all these god-phenomena keep meeting and crossing one another. The Hellenic Hermes is pictured as a youth, the Teutonic Wuotan as a patriarch: Oðinn hinn gamli (the old), Yngl. saga cap. 15, like 'the old god' on p. 21. Ziu and Froho are mere emanations of Wuotan (see Suppl.).


                Descending Series.





















Hengest (d.489)




Eoric (Oesc)












  Æthelbeorht (567)


    Æscwine (527)



Rædwald (d. 617)




Eorpwald (632)

    Sæbeorht (604)




  Penda (d. 656)











































    Ida (d. 560)

  Cerdic (d. 534)






Ælle (d. 588)





According to this, Wôden had seven sons (Bældæg being common to two royal lines); elsewhere he has only three, e.g. Wil. Malm. p. 17: tres filii, Weldegius, Withlegius et Beldegius, from whom the Kentish kings, the Mercian kings, and the West Saxon and Northumbrian kings respectively were descended.

Ascending Series

Ascending Series




 Hathra (Itermôd)


 Godwulf (Folcwald)  



Freáwine (Freálâf)


Heremôd (Sceáf)




 Itermon (Heremôd)   

  Sceáf (Bedwig)


Some accounts contain only four links, others eight, others sixteen, stopping either at Fridhuwulf, at Geát, or at Sceáf. Sceáf is the oldest heathen name; but after the conversion the line was connected with Noah, and so with Adam!


                1. A Frisian god Warns has simply been invented from the gen. in the compound Warnsdei, Wernsdei (Richth. p. 1142), where Werns plainly stands for Wedens, Wodens, an r being put for d to avoid collision with the succeeding sd; it will be hard to find anywhere a nom. Wern. And the present West Frisians say Wansdey, the North Frisians Winsdei, without such r. 

                2. Conradis Wörterb. 263. Christmann, pp. 30-32.

                3. A word that has never been fully explained, Goth. vôþis dulcis, 2 Cor. 2, 15, OHG wuodi, Diut. 2, 304, OS. wuothi, Hel. 36, 3. 140, 7, AS. wêðe, must either be regarded as wholly unconnected, or its meaning be harmonized.

                4. Finn Magnusen comes to the same conclusion, Lex. myth. 621. 636.

                5. The belief, so common in the Mid. Ages, in a 'furious host' or 'wild hunt,' is described in ch. XXXI.  Trans.

                6. Got waldes an der sige kür! Wh. 425, 24. sigehafte hende füege in got! Dietr. 84. Oðinn, when he sent the people forth to war, laid his hands on their heads and blessed, acc. to Yngl. cap. 2, gaf þeim bianac; Ir. beannact, beannugad, beandacht, Gael. beannachd, Wel. bianoch (Villemarqué, essai LIX) = benedictio, prob. all from the lat. word? conf.French bênir, Ir. beannaigim.

                7. Godfrey of Viterbo (in Pistorius, ed. Struve 2, 305) has the legend out of Paul Diac. with the names corrupted, Godam for Wodan, Feria for Frea. Godam or Votam sets him thinking of the Germ. word got (deus). The unheard-of 'Toclacus historiographus' has evidently sprung out of 'hoc loco' in Paul.

                8. Lâta fylgja nafni, Sæm. 142. 150. Fornm. sög. 3, 182. 203. gefa at nafnfesti (name- feast), Sn. 151. Fornm. sög. 2, 51. 3, 133. 203. Islend. sög. 2, 143. 194. Vocabuli largitionem muneris additione commendare, Saxo Gram. 71.

                9. Longobardi a longis barbis vocitati, Otto fris. de gest. Frid. 2, 13. But Oðinn himself was named Lângbarðr.

                10. Kindermärchen no. 35. First in Bebel, ed. 1, Tub. 1506, p. 6. Frey's gartengesellschaft cap. 109, ed. 1556 p. 106, ed 1590 p. 85. Rollwagenbüchlein 1590, pp. 98-9 (here a golden settle). Mösers vermischte schriften 1, 332. 2, 235. ed. 1842, 4, 5, 39. H. Sachs (1563) v. 381. According to Greek and O. Norse notions, the gods have a throne or chair: thâ gengêngo regin öll â rökstôla ginheilög goð, Sæm. 1. Compare in the Bible: heaven is God's throne, the earth his footstool, Matt. 5, 34-5; and Hel. 45, 11. 12 (see Suppl.).

                11. Also NS. 2, 254: ze hûs wirf ich den slegel dir. MS. 2, 6: mit einem slegel er zuo dem kinde warf. This cudgel-throwing resembles, what meant so much to our ancestors, the hammer's throw, and the OHG. slaga is malleus, sledge-hammer (Graff 6, 773). The cudgel thrown from heaven can hardly be other than a thunderbolt; and the obscure proverb, 'swer irre rite daz der den slegel fünde,' whose astray should ride, that he s. might find, Parz. 180, 10, may refer to a thunder-stone (see ch. VIII, Donar) which points to hidden treasure and brings deliverance, and which only those can light upon, who have accidentally lost their way in a wood; for which reason Wolfram calls trunks of trees, from under which peeps out the stone of luck, 'slegel urkünde und zil,' slegel's document and mark (aim).

                12. Haupts zeitschr. 1, 573. Lasicz. 47 names a Datanus donator bonorum.

                13. In many places it is doubtful, whether the poet means wish or Wish. In Wolfram and Gottfried, who abstain from distinct personfication, I always prefer the abstract interpretation, while Hartmann admits of both by turns. When we read in Parz. 102, 30; si was gar ob dem wunsches zil (over wish's goal, beyond all that one could wish), the phrase borders close upon the above quoted, 'si ist des Wunsches hôstez zil (the highest that Wish ever created)'; and it is but a step from 'mînes wunsches paradis,' MS. 2, 126, to 'des Wunsches paradis' or 'ouwe'. So, 'dâ ist wunsch, und niender breste (here is one's wish, and nothing wanting),' MS. 1, 88 = 'der Wunsch liez im niht gebrechen,' W. left him nothing lacking (see Suppl.).

                14. The Germ. an-wünschen verbally translates the Lat. ad-opto.


                15. That Wish was personified, and very boldly, by the christian poets, is abundantly proved. That he was ever believed in as a person, even in heathen times, is, to my thinking, far from clear. I believe some German scholars regard the notion as little better than a mare's nest. Trans.

                16. The name does occur later: Johannes dictus de (=der) Wunsch, Ch. ann. 1324 (Neue mitth. des thür. vereins I. 4, 65). In the Oberhess. wochenblatt, Marburg 1830, p. 420, I read of a Joh. Wunsch who is probably alive at this moment.

                17. Bopp's Nalas, p. 264

                18. So Wuotan's name of itself degenerates into the sense of fury (wut) and anger; the Edda has instances of it. In revenge he pricked Brynhild with the sleeping-thorn, Sæm. 194, and she says: Oðinn þvi veldr, er ek eigi mâttak bregða blunnstöfom. He breeds enmity and strife: einn veldr Oðinn öllu bölvi, þviat með sifjungom sakrûnar bar, Sæm. 165. inimicitias Othinus serit, Saxo gram. p. 142, as christians say of the devil, that he sows the seeds of discord. gremi Oðins, Sæm. 151 (see Suppl.).

                19. Conf. Tritas in the fountain, Kuhn in Höfer 1, 290. Acc. to the popular religion, you must not look into running water, because you look into God's eye, Tobler's Appenzel, p. 369; neither must you point at the stars with your fingers, for fear of sticking them into the angel's eyes.

                20. There is a Swed. märchen of Greymantle (grakappan), Molbech 14, who, like Mary in German tales, takes one up to heaven and forbids the opening of a lock, Kinderm. 3, 407.

                21. In Marc. Cap. 1, 11, the words: 'augurales vero alites ante currum Delio constiterunt,' are transl. by Notker 37: tô wâren garo ze Apollinis reito sîne wîzegfogela, rabena unde albisze. To Oðinn hawks are sometimes given instead of ravens: Oðins haukar Sæm. 167.

                22. Grego. Nyssen. encom. Ephraemi relates, that when Basil the Great was preaching, Ephraem saw on his right shoulder a white dove, which put words of wisdom in his mouth. Of Gregory the Great we read in Paul. Diac., vita p. 14, that when he was expounding the last vision of Ezekiel, a white dove sat upon his head, and now and then put its beak in his mouth, at which times he, the writer, got nothing for his stylus to put down; conf. the narrative of a poet of the 12th cent., Hoffm. fundgr. 2, 229; also Myst. 1. p. 226-7. Augustine and Thomas Aquinas are portrayed with a white dove perched on their shoulders or hovering over their heads. A nursery-tale (Iinderm. no. 33) makes two doves settle on the pope's shoulder, and tell him in his ear all that he has to do. A white dove descends singing on the head of St. Devy, and instructs him, Buhez santez Nonn. Paris 1837, p. 117. And on other occasions the dove flies down to make known the will of heaven. No one will trace the story of Wuotan's ravens to these doves, still the coincidence is striking (see Suppl.).

                23. There are said to have been found lately, in Denmark and Sweden, representations of Odin, which, if some rather strange reports are well-founded, ought to be made known without delay. A ploughman at Boeslund in Zealand turned up two golden urns filled with ashes; on the lids is carved Odin, standing up, with two ravens on his shoulders, and the two wolves at his feet; Kunstbl. 1843, no. 19, p. 80. Gold coins also were discovered near the village of Gömminga in Oeland, one of which represents Odin with the ravens on his shoulder; the reverse has runes; Kunstbl. 1844, no. 13, p. 52.

                24. Reusch, sagen des preuss. Samlands, no. 11. 29.

                25. In the Old British mythology there appears a Gwydion ab Don, G. son of Don, whom Davies (Celtic researchers pp. 168, 174. Brit. myth. p. 118, 204, 263ö4, 353, 429, 504, 541) identifies with Hermes; he invented writing, practised magic, and built the rainbow; the milky way was named caer Gwydion, G.'s castle (Owen, sub v.). The British antiquaries say nothing of Wôden, yet Gwydion seems near of kin to the above Gwodan = Wodan. So the Irish name for dies Mercurii, dia Geden, whether modelled on the Engl. Wednesday or not, leads us to the form Goden, Gwoden (see Suppl.).

                26. Even nursery-tales of the present time speak of a groszmächtige Mercurius, Kinderm. no. 99. 2, 86.

                27. This Termagan, Termagant occurs especially in O. Engl. poems, and may have to do with the Irish tormac augmentum, tormacaim augere.

                28. Septentrion, que nos char el ciel apelon; Roman de Rou.

                29. Crossbeam, such as bells (glocken) are suspended on; conf. ans, âs, p. 125.

                30. We know of Graisivaudan, a valley near Grenoble in Dauphiné, for which the Titurel has Graswaldane; but there is no ground for connecting it with the god.

                31. Our present -borough, -bury, stands both correctly for burh, byrig, castle, town (Germ. burg), and incorrectly for the lost beorg, beorh, mountain (Germ. berg). Trans.

                32. Geyers schwed. gesch. 1, 110. orig. 1, 123. In the Högrumssocken, Oeland, are some large stones named Odins flisor, Odini lamellae, of which the story is told, that Odin, in turning his horse out to graze, took the bit off him and laid it on a huge block of stone; the weight of the bit split the stone into two pieces, which were set upright as a memorial. Another story is, that Oden was about to fight an adversary, and knew not, where to tie his horse up. In the hurry he ran to the stone, pierced it with his sword, and tied his horse fast through the hole. But the horse broke loose, the stone burst in pieces and rolled away, and from this arose the deep bog named Högrumsträsk; people have tied poles together, but never could reach the bottom. Abrah. Ahlquist, Oelands historia, Calmar 1822. 1, 37. 2, 212. There is a picture of the stones in Liliengren och Brunius, no. xviii. In the Högbysocken of Oeland is also a smooth block of granite named Odinssten, on which, acc. to the folk-tale, the warriors of old , when marching to battle, used to whet their swords; Ahlquist 2, 79. These legends confirm the special importance of Odin's horse in his mythus. Verelii notae on the Gautrekssaga p. 40 quote from the Clavis computi runici: 'Odin beter hesta sina i belg burden,' which I do not quite understand. In the Fornm. sög. 9, 55-6 Oðinn has his horse shod at a blacksmith's, and rides away by enormous leaps to Sweden, where a war breaks out (see Suppl.).

                33. Spegel des antichristischen pawestdoms (popery), dorch Nicolaum Grysen, predigern in Rostock, Rost. 1593. 4, sheet E iiii. With the verses cited by him, conf. the formula in weisthümer: Let it lie fallow one year, and bear thistle and thorn the next.

                34. Mussäus meklenb. volkssagen no. 5; in Lisch meklenb. jahrb. 2, 133 it is spelt Waud, and a note is made, that on the Elbe they say fruh Wod, i.e. frôho, lord; conf. infra, fru Gaue and fru Gauden in the 'wütende heer'.

                35. By Münchhausen in Bragur VI. 1, 21-34.

                36. Conf. Dutch oud, goud for old, gold; so Woude, which approximates the form Wôde. Have we the latter in 'Theodericus de Wodestede?' Scheidt's mantissa p. 433 anno 1205.

                37. An Odensberg in the Mark of Bibelheim (now Biebesheim below Gernsheim in Darmstadt) is named in a doc. of 1403. Chmels reg. Ruperti p. 204; the form Wodensberg would look more trustworthy.

                38. If numbers be an object, I fancy the English contribution might be swelled by looking- up in a gazetteer the names beginning with Wans-, Wens-, Wadden-, Weddin-, Wad-, Wood-, Wam-, Wem-, Wom-. Trans.

                39. Langebek script. tom 7.

                40 Sven Bring, monumenta Scanensia, vol 2, Lond. goth. 1748. 

                41. Olof Grau, beskrifning öfver Wästmanland. Wästeras 1754. conf. Dybeck runa I. 3, 41.

                42. There are some in Finn Magnusen's lex. myth. 648; but I do not agree with him in including the H. Germ. names Odenwald, Odenheim, which lack the HG. form Wuotan and the -s of the genitive; nor the Finn. Odenpä, which means rather bear's head.

                43. So in an AS. homily De temporibus Antichristi, in Wheloc's Beda p. 495, are enumerated 'Thor and Eoðwen, þe hæðene men heriað swiðe' ; and before that, 'Erculus se ent (Hercules gigas) and Apollinis (Apollo), þe hi mærne god lêton'. The preacher was thinking of the Greek and the Norse deities, not of the Saxon, or he would have said Thunor and Wôden. And in other cases, where distinctly Norse gods are meant, AS. writers use the Norse form of name. F. Magnusens lex. p. 919.

                44. When Oðinn is called Thundr in the songs of the Edda, Sæm. 28 47, this may be derived from a lost þynja = AS. þunian, tonare, and so be equivalent to Donar; it is true, they explain þundr as loricatus, from þund lorica. But Wuotan, as Vôma, is the noise of the rushing air, and we saw him hurl the cudgel, as Thôrr does the hammer.

                45. As Zeus also is tritoj from which Tritogeneia is more easily explained than by her birth from his head (see Suppl.).

                46. Ælfric's glosses 56, Altanus: Wôden. Altanus, like Summanus, an epithet of Jove, the Altissimus; else Altanus, as the name of a wind, might also have to do with the storm of the 'wütende heer'. 

                47. The Greek menoj would be well adapted to unite the meanings of courage, fury (mut, wut), wish, will, thought.

                48. According to this story, Oðinn was abroad a long time, during which his brothers act for him; it is worthy of note, that Saxo also makes Othin travel to foreign lands, and Mithothin fill his place, p. 13; this Mithothin's position throws light on that of Vili and Ve. But Saxo, p. 45, represents Othin as once more an exile, and puts Oller in his place (see Suppl.). The distant journeys of the god are implied in the Norse by-names Gângrâðr, Gângleri, Vegtamr, and Viðförull, and in Saxo 45 viator indefessus. It is not to be overlooked, that even Paulus Diac. 1, 9 knows of Wodan's residence in Greece (qui non circa haec tempora

of the war between Langobards and Vandals

sed longe anterius, nec in Germania, sed in Graecia fuisse perhibetur; while Saxo removes him to Byzantium, and Snorri to Tyrkland). In the passage in Paul. Diac.: 'Wodan sane, quem adjecta litera Gwodan dixerunt, ipse est qui apud Romanos Mercurius dicitur, et ab universis Germaniae gentibus ut deus adoratur, qui non circa haec tempora, sed longe anterius, nec in Germania, sed in Graecia fuisse perhibetur'

it has been proposed to refer the second 'qui' to Mercurius instead of Wodan (Ad. Schmidt zeitschr. 1, 264), and then the harmony of this account with Snorri and Saxo would disappear. But Paul is dealing with the absurdity of the Langobardic legend related in 1, 8, whose unhistoric basis he lays bare, by pointing out that Wodan at the time of the occurrence between the Wandali and Winili, had not ruled in Germany, but in Greece; which is the main point here. The notion that Mercury should be confined to Greece, has wider bearings, and would shock the heathen faith not only of the Germans but of the Romans. The heathen gods were supposed to be omnipresent, as may be seen by the mere fact that Woden-hills were admitted to exist in various spots all over the country; so that the community of this god to Germans, Greeks and Romans raised no difficulty.

                49. This Appendix forms part of the third volume. In the meanwhile readers may be glad to see for themselves the substance of these pedigrees, which I have extracted from the Appendix, and placed at the end of this chapter. Trans.




                p. 131. ) The name of the highest god, whom the other gods serve as children their father (Sn. 23), often occurs in OHG., like Herrgott much later, as a man's name: Wotan, Schannat 312, Woatan 318, Wuotan 342. 386-9. Langobardic glosses have Odan and Godan, Hpt Ztschr. 1, 557; conf. Godán 5, 1. 2. In the Abren. we find Woden; perh. Wedan too is OS. (Suppl. to 154); on Wodan conf. Lisch Meckl. Jb. 20, 143. AS., beside Wôden, has Othan (Sup. to 5); Oðon, Sal. and Sat. 83; Eowðen (p. 161 n.). Nth Fris. Wede, Wedke, Müllenh. 167. Wedki taeri! Landesk. 4, 246. For Norse Oðinn, once Oddiner, conf. Munch on Odd's Ol. Tr. 94. Audon, Yngl. c. 7, Does Audun in Norw. docs. stand for Oðin? Oden in Östögtl. = hin onde, Almqvist 371a. In the Stockh. Adress-calender för 1842, p. 142, are actually two men named Odin. Rask, Afh. 1, 377-8, takes the Lett. Vidvut for the Vodan of the Vides (Lettons), while Vogt 1, 141 makes Widewud, Waidewud a Prussian king. With Vut in the Grisons, conf. Vuodan in the Valais, of whom M. C. Vulliemin relates in his La reine Berte et son temps, Laus. 1843, p. 3: 'Un jour on avait vu Wuodan descrendre le Rhône, telle était du moins la croyance populaire, l'épée nue dans une main, un globe d'or dans l'autre, et criant rigou haiouassou (fleuve soulève toi) ! et le fleuve s'élevant avait détruit une partie de la ville.' On my inquiring (through Troyon) if the name in the story was really Wuodan, the answer was distinctly Yes, and the town destroyed was Martigny. Carisch 182b has vutt idol, which some derive from vultus, voult, face, or portrait, others from votum; conf. magliavutts (Sup. to 35n.).

                p. 132. ) Wuotan from watan, like qeoj from qeein, Sansk. vâdanas, Schleicher in Kuhn's Ztschr. 4, 399. He stands closely conn. with weather, OHG. wetar, aër, aether, and wind (Sup. to 115); he is storm, byr, furia, wild hunter, uma, Ymir, Jumala, spirit; he is also called Ofnir, Vafuðr, Vafþrûðnir. But why in Sæm. 3b does Oðinn give önd, and Hoenir ôð, when surely Oðinn should give ôð? The Bav. wueteln is known to H. Sachs: das es aufwudlet grün in grün (of herbs) v. 377d. wudelt das kraut auf, v. 378c; conf. Wuotilgôz, Wôdelgeát, p. 367 n., and Wôden's relation to Geát, p. 164-5. We can put him on a par with Zeus, Indra, Loptr: ahr, on au tij onomaseie kai Dia, Meineke's Fragm. com. 4, 31. Æschylus in Eum. 650 says of Zeus: ta d alla pant anw te kai katw strefwn tiqhsin, ouden asqmainwn menei. Zeus merely touches, breathes upon Io, and she conceives Epaphos (the touched), Æsch. Prom. 849-851. ex epafhj kux epipnoiaj Dioj, Æsch. Suppl. 18. 45. efaptwr 312. qeiaij epipnoiaij pauetai 576. Ducange sub v. Altanus has a peculiar gl. Aelfrici: Altanus Voden, quae vox saxonice Wodanum seu Mercurium sonat (conf. p. 162 n.). In Wright 17b 'Altanus þoden,' otherw þoden is turbo; altanus auster is a wind. On Woldan see Hpt Ztschr. 5, 494.

                p. 132. ) With Otfried's gotewuoto conf. a Schlettst. gl. of the 9th century: 'sub tyranno, under themo godowôden.' Der wüeterîch, Servat. 2853. ein tobender w., Barl. 254, 21; conf. gwyth, p. 150 n. In the Eifel the wild host is called Wodes-heer, and a savage monster of a man Wuodes-woor, Schmitz 1, 233. In the Wetterau band of robbers was one Werner Wuttwuttwutt, Schwenker 574. Pfister 1, 157. 162.

                p. 133. ) It is not Svîðr, gen. Svinns, but Sviður ok Sviðrir, gen. Sviðurs, in Sæm. 46b. Sn. 3. 24. 195. -

Beside valfaðir, herfaðir (p. 817), Oðinn bears the names Herjann, Herteitr, Gunnarr, Lex. myth. 641a; conf. Herjans dîs, Sæm. 213b. fleygði O. ok î folk umskaut 5a. valr lâ þar â sandi vitinn enum eineygja Friggjar faðmbyggvi (ibi caesi in arena jacuere, dedicati unoculo qui Friggae amplexibus delectatur), Sn. 1848, 236.

                        Non humile obscurumve genus, non funera plebis

                        Pluto rapit vilesque animas, sed fata potentum

                        Implicat, et claris complet Phlegethonta figuris, Saxo Gram. 36.

The boar's head in the Alamann order of battle is expressly acknowledged by Agathias 2, 8 (Stälin 1, 160).

                p. 134. ) With Paul the Deacon's account conf. the older setting in the Prol. leg. Rotharis in Hpt Ztschr. 5, 1. There Wodan and Frea remind you altogether of Oðinn and Frigg in the Grîmnismâl. O. is called Sigr-höfundr, Egilss. 640, and his dwelling Sigtûnir, Yngl. 5. Sn. 15.

                p. 136. ) On name-giving, ON. nafn-festi, see GDS. 153-4. With Hliðsciâlf conf. Valaskiâlf, p. 817n. Does OHG. Bughenscelp belong here? Cod. Lauresh. no. 2597. The Gl. Sletst. 15, 7 have scelb fornice, also those in Hpt Ztschr. 5, 196. scelp fornix, Graff 6, 479. biscilbit in clida, Diut. 1, 342; and clida belongs to hlið, OHG. hlit, operculum. The Lex. myth. 434 explains Hliðskiâlf as porta coeli tremens.

                p. 136-7 n. ) God's chair means also the rainbow (p. 733); God's little chair, among the Lausitz Wends, the corpse-bird (p. 1134). The German märchen of the Tailor who climbs the Lord's chair, of iron-booted Ferdinand, of faithful John and strong Francis, who arrive at a heaven with many doors (conf. Wolf's Deut. mär. u. sagen no. 5, KM. no. 3, 35, Müllenh. mär. no. xii.), resemble the Greek notion of Zeus's throne and the several doors through which he attends to the prayers, vows and offerings of men, Lucian's Icaromenippus, c. 25-6.

                p. 138. ) Wunsch, wish, seems akin to Sansk. vângksh, vânch opto, desidero, Bopp Gl. 315a. Pott 1, 235, which Bopp thinks identical with Welsh gwanc, desire. Wish in Old Fr. is souhait (p. 951n.) and avel, pl. aviaux, *** souhait: wish; avel: whim; aviaux: whims ***Ren. 25131, 26828. plus bel lui nestuest souhaidier, *** better to him is not wished *** Ogier 1, 140. Wunsch is god of bliss and love, who wishes, wills and brings good to men. We still speak of God as the giver of all good, all gifts, Kl. Schr. 2, 327-9. Wünschen is to romance, exaggerate, imagine: sam ez gewünschet waere, Rab. 240. ob ieman wünschen solde, Nib. 281, 3. 780, 1. und der nu w. solde, Ecke 202 (Hagen). Also to wish into being, create, Wigal. 327. 887. 5772. so viel nur immer Gott Vater w. kann, Zingerle 2, 64. mit wunsch, by divine power, Tit. 347; and conversely verwünschen to annihilate. wünschen lernen, to learn conjuring, Müllenh. 395. 402. (Of wunsch as the Ideal, a page and a half of examples is here omitted.)

                p. 141. ) Wish personified appears most freq. in Hartmann, which is the more remarkable, as he got no prompting from his French original. The last line on p. 138:

                der Wunsch het in gemeistert sô, Greg. 1097. Er. 2740. only reminds us partially of a French poet, Thib. de N. 95:

                beneet soit le maistre

                qui tele la fist naistre; while Chrestien's Erec has nothing similar, either here, or in describing the horse (Hartm. Er. 7375), or the palace and twenty ladies (8213-77); and where Hartm. boasts of his Enite:

                man sagt daz nie kint gewan

                ein lîp sô gar dem Wunsche glîch, Er. 330, Chrestien's Erec 407 has merely:

                que tote i avoit mis s'entente

                nature, qui faite l'avoit (conf. vv. 415. 425). Presently, however, in his:

                ich waene Got sînen vlîz

                an si hâte geleit

                von schoene und von saelekeit, Er. 338, where Chrestian had said, v. 429:

                onques Dex ne sot faire miauz

                le nes, la bouche, ne les iauz, Hartm. draws nearer to his prototype again. His Wunsches gewalt often occurs in later writers:

                beschoenen mit Wunsches gewalte, Flore 6927.

                ir lîp aller wolgestalt

                gar in des Wunsches gewalt, Meleranz. 8768.

                Wunsches gewalt hân, Berth. 239. 240.

                hie Wunsches gewalt, hie liep âne leit

                in immerwerender sicherheit, Heinr. Suso in Die ewige weisheit. But the phrase becomes more and more impersonal:

                si hât an ir wunsch gewalt, Altsw. 98.

                an im lît der wunschgewalt, Dietr. drach. 41b.

                drîer wünsche gewalt, MS. 2, 145b (KM.-3- 3, 146-7).

                geben mit alles wunsches gewalt, Pass. 298, 1.

                aller wünsche gewalt, Uhl. volksl. 1, 21. conf. exousiaj tucein para tou Dioj aithsasqai otou epiqumei, Athen. 3, 24. (Another page and a half of examples is here omitted.)

                p. 143 n. ) Even Wolfram in Wh. 15, 7 has 'des Wunsches zil'; and des Wunsches paradîs actually occurs in Barl. 52, 8 and in the Rudolf. Vilmar p. 64.

                p. 143. ) Wish is the meting, moulding, casting, giving, creating (p. 22, 104n. 139), figuring, imaging, thinking, faculty, hence also imagination, idea, image, figure. There is about Wish something inward, uttered from within: der Wunsch tihtet, Troj. 3096, ûz tiefer sinne grunde erwünschet mit dem munde 2960. Apart from the passage in the Iliad, carij answers to wunsch, not only in Lucian's Pro Imag. c. 26 p. 52: komhn taij carisin apeikase, but, as God imparts wishing, it is said of Hermes: oj ra te pantwn anqrwpwn ergoisi carin kai kudoj opazei, Od. 15, 319. Beside des Wunsches aue and heilwâc, we have also a wunschsee and wunschbrunne, Pröhle's Unterharz. s., no. 345; a Wünschberg in Panzer's Beitr. 1, 116, Wenschenborch in Hpt Ztschr. 1, 258, Wunschilburg in Henricus Pauper 115, Wünschelburg a village near Glatz. 'Joannes Wunschelberg doctor vixit circa an. 1400,' Flacius cat. test. verit. 782, in Zarncke's Univ. Leipzig 764 an. 1427, 888 an. 1438. A Wünschmichelbach, Baader's Sagen no. 345; a Wünschensuhl near Marksuhl, Thuringia; a 'super Wünsche' and Wunscheidorf, Rauch 2, 198. 200.

                p. 143-4. ) Förstemann has no name Wunsc, Wunscio, which would mean wisher, adopter, but Karajan quotes Wensco and Sigiwunh (for Sigiwunsc, conf. Sigtýr), and Sigewnses-holz about Eichstadt (for Sigiwunsces-holz), MB. 31, 363, year 1080.

The Oskmeyjar are called nunnor Herjans, Oðins meyjar, Sn. 212a. Oskopnir might be connected with it and explained as 'stragem, campum electionis aperiens' from opna aperire, of which the Völs. saga c. 18 makes uskaptr. Beside the Wûscfreá of Deira, a later one is mentioned by Beda 138, 19. 153, 5.

                p. 145. ) As Wuotan sends wind and weather, and stills the stormy sea, it is said of the christian God: daz er uns alle tage dienet mit weter ioch mit wint, Diemer 89, 18. In Parzival, Feirefiz ascribes it to Juno that she daz weter fuocte, fitted 750, 5; dem Juno ie gap segels luft 757, 7; segelweter fuogte 767, 3. -

If yggr be terror, yggdrasill means the horse of dread, the storm-courser, perhaps the rushing god himself, as we know that Oðinn bears the surname Yggr, and is always figured as the rider in the air, the furious hunter. In that case Yggdrasils askr (Pref. li.) is the stormful god's ash. Oðinn is also Hrôptr, alte clamans, conf. OHG. hruoft, clamor, Graff 4, 1137: Hrôptr glaðr, Hpt Ztschr. 3, 154; Hrôptatýr, p. 196. And the surname Farma-týr, Farma-guð may not be out of place here, as deus vecturarum nauticarum, from farmr, onus nauticum. Mefîngr, Sæm. 272a is perh. conn. with mafr, seamew. Other by-names are Fengr, Sæm. 184a. Völs. saga c. 17, p. 157; Svâfnir, Sæm. 93a; Fiölnir, Sæm. 10a. 46b. 184a. Völs. saga c. 17, p. 157 and conf. 136. 193. 200. 323. He is 'inn reginkunngi baldur î brynjo,' Sæm. 272b.

                p. 145. ) Similar expressions for dying are: AS. Dryhten sêcean, Beow. 373. ON. kenna einom âttûnga brautir til Oðins landa, Sæm. 80b. far till Oden, Geyer 1, 123; conf. gefa Oðni, Landn. 5, 10. The miser collecting treasures is said in Sweden to tjena Oden, Geyer 1, 123. Kl. schr. 3, 197.

                p. 145n. ) The conception of Oðinn as an evil being is clear in the ON. 'hvaða Oðins lâtum?' quid hoc mali est? shortened to 'hvaða lâtum,' quid hoc rei est? Wormius mon. dan. p. 11; lât is amissio, mors; conf. our 'was des teufels?' Fornm. sög. 3, 179 has 'ôfögnuðr sendr af Oðni,' mischief sent from O.; Oðinndœll 11, 151 periculosus, insociabilis, difficilis, is interpr. 'illr viðfângs' 12, 430; Oðinndœla 6, 374 periculum, infortunium, interpr. 'vandraeði, vandamâl, naudsyn' 12, 430. Dæll itself is mansuetus, affabilis.

                p. 147. ) Oðin's outward appearance is alluded to in many other places; hinn eineygji Friggjar faðm-byggvir, Sn. 1848 p. 236. He is Hengikiaptr, labeo, cui pendet maxilla, Sn. 146 (p. 1075 n.); Harbarðr, Flaxbeard, from hör, linum; to Sigurðr appears the Longbeard, and helps him to choose Grani, Völs. c. 13. GDS. 688-9. To Saxo's 'Othinus os pileo obnubens' answers his surname Grîmnir larvatus, from grîma. As 'Grîmnir' he shows himself to men in the guise of a beggar to try them, e.g. to Geirröðr; as 'Gestr blindi' to Heiðrekr, as 'Gângrâðr' to Vafþrûðnir. Compare the German märchen of the old Beggar woman, KM. 150, whose clothes begin to burn, as Grîmni's did. In the case of Heiðrekr, Gestr guesses riddles for another, as the miller or shepherd does for the abbot, Schmidt 85-9. Again Oðinn appears as the one-eyed bôndi Hrani, and bestows gifts, Hrolf Kr. saga c. 39. 46 (Fornald. s. 1, 77. 94). The Fornm. s. 5, 171-2 says: 'hann var stuttklaeddr, ok hafði sîdan hatt niðr fyrir andlitit, ok sâ ôgerla âsjonu hans; skeggjaðr var hann;' conf. the blind (one-eyed?) Hatt, Sv. äfventyr 1, 363. GDS. 578. Swed. legend gives Oðinn a pointed hat, uddehatt, which agrees with the peculiar shape of certain tombstones, wedge-shaped, like a man-trap. But he is called hauga-drôttin, Vitterh. acad. handl. 14, 73. Now uddehatt is usu. a dwarf's hood or cape of darkness; hence also he appears as 'lord of dwarfs.' At the same time the hat is a wishing hat and Mercury's hat. He appears as an old man, or as a hunter on high horse with three hounds which he gives away to a youth; and a Småland story expressly names him Oden, Sv. folkv. 1, 212. Gammal gråman gives advice, but may not stay beyond cock crow, Arvidsson, 3, 3. Similar is the one-eyed witch, Norske event. 141-2. --

In Germany too we can now find many traces of this divine apparition. A Graymantle, a Broadhat often turns up in nursery tales, see Haltrich p. 10. 39. 44; an old man fetches the children, p. 4. He appears as Old One-eye 45. 55, as Stone-goat 44, Wild-cat 63. God comes in the guise of an old beggar, stands godfather, and gives gifts, KM. no. 26; or as a grey-bearded mannikin, Frommann's Munda. 4, 328; conf. the old beggar woman, KM. no. 150; as One-eyed Flap-hat, Alsatia 1856 p. 131. A grey smith heals, Hpt Ztschr. 1, 103. In St. Martin's cloak and hood Simrock sees Wuotan's wishing cloak, Martinsl. xvii.

p. 147. ) When Oðinn hurled the spear, then, says the Völuspâ, was the first war in the world. He is geira drôttinn, Egilss. 639. geiri undaðr oc gefinn Oðni, Sæm. 27b. marka sik Oðni, p. 1077. Under Otto III. a man in a dream, after taking a pious vow, was transfixed by two lances of the martyrs Crispin and Crispinian, Pertz 5, 787. The giant Oden in Sv. äfvent. 453 (some versions omit the name) possesses costly things, as the god does his spear. Out of such notions sprang the OHG. names Kêrans, Folchans, Hpt Ztschr. 7, 529. Is this spear more like Apollo's destructive dart, or the sceptre of Zeus (p. 680)? Is the name of the Lombard royal line of Gunginge conn. with Gûngnir? GDS. 687-8.

                p. 148 n. ) In Herod. 4, 15 Aristeas is called Apollo's raven, i.e. priest, as Porphyry tells us the Magians called the priests of the Sun-god ravens. Three ravens fly with St. Benedict, Paul. Diac. 1, 26. In Goethe's Faust 12, 127 the witch asks Mephistopheles: But where are your two ravens? -

Doves sit on Gold Mariken's shoulders, Müllenh. 403. A dove sits on the head and shoulder of a boy at Trier, Greg. Tur. 10, 29; one perches three times on the head of St. Severus, Myst. 1, 226-7, another settles on St. Gregory's shoulder 1, 104.

                p. 148. ) Flugu hrafnar tveir of Hnikars öxlum, Huginn til hauga, enn â hrae Muninn, Sn. 322. The ravens daily sent out return at dögurðarmâli 42; conf. F. Magnusen's Dagens tider p. 42. fara Viðris grey valgiörn um ey, Sæm. 154a. hrafnar tveir flugu með þeim alla leið, Nialss. 80. On Odens foglar, Odens svalar, see Sup. to 159.

                p. 148. ) Oðin-Neptunus resembles both Poseidon and Zeus, who rise out of the sea as bulls. Oðinn shows himself to Olaf as a boatman, nökkva maðr, Fornm. s. 2, 180; and, as the man in the boat, fetches Sinfiötli's body, Völs. c. 10. Like him are the divine steersman in the Andreas (Pref. xxiv. xxv.), and the thirteenth man who steers the twelve Frisians, who has the axe on his shoulder, throws it at a well-spring, and teaches them justice, Richth. 439. 440. Yet we also come upon Oðinn Hnikar as a karl af biargi, Sæm. 183-4.

                p. 149. ) Byr, Burr is Oðin's father, p. 348-9. gefr hann (O.) byri brögnom, Sæm. 113b. A fair wind, ON. ôska-byrr, is in the Swed. rhyming chron. önsko bör. Even the German may very likely have had a wunsch-bür as well as wunsch-wint, for we find in Pass. 379, 19: in kam von winde ein ebene bür, die in die segele dâ sluoc. 201, 29: dô quam ein alsô gelîche bür. 380, 78: daz in wart ein guote bür. On the other hand: sô er den wint ze wunsche hât, Er. 7795. wunsches weter, Urstende 125, 85. Got schuof im sanften süezen wint, Ernst 5, 238 (Sup. to 145). The himmlische kind makes guten wind, Osw. 960-5. 1220; but also the storm wind 1137. 2731. To the Greeks it was Zeus espec. that sent a fair wind: Dioj ouroj, Od. 15, 297. Zeuj ouron iallen 15, 475. Zeuj euanemoj, Paus. iii. 13, 5. Also a Ermhj aerioj is named 'inter deos qui ad pluviam eliciendam a mago advocantur,' Cass. Dio. 71, 19; and Hermes or Theuth was the Egyptians' rain-god 71, 8 (Sup. to 175).

                p. 150. ) With the AS. dialogue between Sat. and Sal., conf. Kemble's Salomon p. 323: Mercurius gigas. In Altd. Bl. 2, 190 the other dialogue is entitled 'Adrian and Ritheus,' and contains the words: 'saga me, hwâ wrât bôcstafas aerest? ic þe secge, Mercurius se gigant.' In Småland there rides a man resembling Oðinn, with fiery breath, and a rune staff in his mouth, Hpt Ztschr. 4, 509. -

Theuth not only invented letters, but dice: petteiaj, kubeiaj as well as grammata, Plato's Phædr. 274. And Oðinn is not only the finder of runes, but lord of dice-throwing. An ON. dicer's prayer is (Sup. to 1234): at þû Fiölnir falla lâtir, þat er ek kasta kann! F. Magn. lex. myth. 646 (Fiölnir = Oðinn, Sup. to 145). And there was a proverb: þû ert ecki einn î leik, ef Oðinn styðr þik. On the Devil as dicer, conf. p. 1007. Players invoked Thôrr and Oðinn, Frigg and Freyja together with Enoch and Elias, Christ and Mary, F. Magn. lex. myth. 646.

                p. 150 n. ) On Gwydion and Don see Villemarqué's Bardes bretons 388. The milky way was also called 'Arian rod merch Don,' Davie's Mythol. 205. Leo in Hpt Ztschr. 3, 224 derives Gwydion from gwyd, mens, menoj (p. 162n.), like Oðinn from ON ôðr, mens. The Irish dia Geden, Gael. di ciadain, ciadaoin may indeed be expl. as ceud aoine, first fast; but see O'Brien 168a.

                The sentence in the Prol. legis Salicæ: 'Mercurius Trismegistus primus leges Ægyptiis tradidit,' comes from Isid. orig. 5, 3. Tervagan, Tervigant may have to do with Trebeta, Gesta Trev. (Pertz 10, 131).

                p. 154. ) On Wodenes-berg, -husen, -wege conf. Förstem. 2, 1566. in Wodeneswego Pertz 8, 604; de Wodeneswege 8, 676. Vudenesvege, Lisch, Örzen 2b, 161; Gudenswege, 2b, 136. Again, Wodonesberg, Lacomb. 1, no. 97. 117. Witanes-berc (Wuotanes?), Cod. dipl. Juvav. 95 (an. 861). Mons Mercurii, Fredegar c. 55. Then, Wôdensbeorg, Kemble 5, 78. 137. Woddanbeorg 3, 457. Wônhlinc 3, 415. 5, 112. 291. Wôncumb 5, 78. 137. Wôdnesdene 5, 238. Wôdnesdîc 3, 403. 413. 452-5-6. 460-4-6. 5, 215. 238. Wônlond 5, 235. 6, 355. Wôddes geat 5, 78. 137. Wônstoc 3, 227 (Kl. Schr. 2, 57). Wônâc, quercus Jovis 3, 458. Wôn-alre (-alder) 4, 459. But how are Wonred, Wonreding, Beow. 5925-38 to be explained? OS. Wetanspeckia for Wêdanesspeckia (-bridge, wooden bridge), Lünzel 12. 53. Nth Fris. Wedes-hoog, Wens-hog, Winis-hog, Müllenh. 167. Other names in Nordalb. stud. 1, 138. Weadanask, Jb. f. Schlesw. –holst. landesk. 4, 248. Wonsfleth in Holstein, OS. Wôdenstorp, now Wunstorf (Kl. schr. 2, 58), can acc. to Förstem. 2, 1578 be traced back to Wungeresdorf. Wuninsdorp, Cæs. Heisterb. 9, 18. Wôtenes-hûsen, Trad. Fuld. Dronke 38, 221. Cod. Fuld. no. 610 p. 274, now Gutmanns-hausen (Dronke 237a). A Wons-husen in Weimar, and one near Nidda, Landau's Wetterau 218. Wonsaz, Bamb. verein 10, 108. A Wonsees between Baireut and Bamberg; yet conf. 'in der wonsass,' MB. 27, 141, and wonsassen, Schm. 4, 80. Kl. schr. 2, 58. A Sigeboto de Wuonten-geseze (Wuotanes?) in MB. 11, 167. About the Fichtelgebirge lie also Wunsiedel (Wotanes-sedal?), Wonsgehai, Wonsgehäu, Wondsgehäu, Wohnsgehaig, a village on the Neunberg by Mistelgau, Baireut, Panzer's Beitr. 2, 101. 'flumen quod vulgo Wotinprunno dicitur,' Sinnacher, 2, 635. Watan-brunnon, Lacomblet 1, no. 103.

                p. 154. ) Oðinn is a rider; hence called Atriði, he who rides up? (as Thôrr is Hlôrriði, p. 167 n.); conf. also Yggdrasils askr and the story of the World-tree, p. 960. The Hervarar-saga (Fornald. s. 1, 486) has a riddle on Oðinn and Sleipnir. On a rune-stone in Gothland is supposed to be carved 'Oden and his eight-legged Sleipnir,' Dybeck 1845, 91. The horse is often mentioned with him: 'om Oden och hans häster' they say in Upland and Gothland; in Småland they speak of 'Odens stall och krubba,' Rääf; conf. the 'hunter on high horse,' Sup. to 147. A horse with six legs in Haltrich 35-6; with eight 49; an eight-legged talking sun-steed 101.

                p. 155 n. ) 'Odinus pascit equos suos in follem inclusus,' Pâll Vidalin 610; conf. 'i bâlg binda,' Vestg. lag. p.m. 48. veit ec at ec hêck vindga meiði â naetur allar nîo, geiri undaðr ok gefinn Oðni sialfr sialfum mer, Sæm. 27b (see note on KM. no. 146). Charles also splits a stone before the battle, Wächter's Heidn. denkm. 42-3; conf. the story of the Swedish general 45, and that of Hoier, Benecke's Wigal. 452. In Irish legend too the divine hero Fin Barre has his horse shod by a mortal smith, and juggles the fourth leg in, Ir. sagen 2, 85; conf. Kl. schr. 2, 450.

                p. 157. ) In the district of Beilngries, Bavaria, the bunch of ears is left for the Waudl-gaul, and beer, milk and bread for the Waudl-hunde, who come the third night and eat it up. If you leave nothing, the beaver (bilmer-schnitt) will pass through your fields. In the last cent. they still kept up a harvest-feast called Waudls-mähe, setting out fodder for the black steeds of Waude, while they drank and sang:


                        O heilige sanct Mäha,

                        beschere übers jahr meha,

                        so viel köppla, so viel schöckla,

                        so viel ährla, so viel tausend gute gährla. If the reapers forgot, they were told: 'Seids net so geizig, und lasst dem heilgen S. Mäha auch was steha, und macht ihm sein städala voll;' conf. the less complete account of Panzer's Beitr. 2, 216-7. Three stalks are left for Oswald, three ears tied three times with flowers, viz. the cornflower (centaurea, blue), the blotze (red poppy, papaver rhœas), and camomile. The red poppy is also called Miedel-magn (Mary's mohn), Panzer 2, 214-5-6. Schm. 2, 555. 608; in Swabia, Her-got's kitele or mäntele. The Russians leave a sheaf standing for Volos (Veles), 'toward Volos's beard (borod).'

                p. 159. ) Oðins-ve occurs (988) in 'episcopatus Othenes-wigensis,' Lappenb. Hamb. urk. no. 5. On-sjö, Oden-sjö in Skåne, Röstanga-socken, lies over a submerged castle named Odinsgård (see the story in Sup. to 946), Dybeck's Runa 1844, 32-3. In Ons-källa were washed to old men that threw themselves down the cliff, Geyer 1, 115. Onsänger in Småland. Odens-brunn in Upland, Wendel-socken, Dyb. Runa 1844, 90. With Wôden worhte weos, conf. Woldan hewing his church-door, Wolf's Ztschr. 1, 69. Oðinn, unlike Thôrr, hardly ever occurs in names of men: Rääf 235-7 gives Odhankarl, Odhinkarl.

                p. 159. ) On the plant-name Woden-tungel, -star, see K. Schiller's Ndrd. pflanzenn. 32; conf. Ermou baij, Mercurii surculus, filix, and Ermou botanion, herba mercurialis, Diosc. 4, 183-8. --

Several birds were sacred to Oðinn: 'korpar, kråkar, skatar bör man icke skjuta, emedan de äro Odens foglar, dem han vid Olofsmässan har hos sig i åtta dagar, då han plocker och tager en stor del af dem. Ardea nigra, en temligen stor fogel af häger-slägtet, kallas Odens svala,' Rääf; see Sup. to p. 148.

                p. 160. ) Wœns-let suggests ûlf-liðr, p. 207. Kl. schr. 2, 58. Who off a thief has cut the thumbs, To him good luck in throwing comes, Garg. 192a. Do they say anywhere in Scandinavia Odensfinger, Onsfinger? Acc. to F. Magn. lex. myth. 639 the lungs were sacred to Oðinn and Mercury; conf. the Tables of Blood-letting.

                p. 162. ) Oðinn, Thôrr, Freyr in Snorri's Edda 131 answers to Oðinn, Asabragr, Freyr in Sæm. 85b; and invocations in Swed. folk-songs give him the first place; 'hjälp mig Othin, thu kan bäst! hjälp me Ulf och Asmer Gry!' Arvidss. 1, 69. The same in Danish: 'hielp mig Othin, du kan best! hielp mig Ulf og Asmer Grib!' Syv 48. Asmer Gri = Asa-grim; conf. 'hielp nu Oden Asagrim!' Arvidss. 1, 11.

                p. 162 n. ) On Zeus tritoj and Tritogeneia, conf. Welcker's Trilogie 101-2. At banquets the third goblet was drunk to Zeus: to triton tw Swthri, Passow s.v. swthr. Athena trith, Babr. 59, 1.

                p. 162. ) Oðinn = Hâr, Sæm. 46a; = Iafnhâr 46b; = Þriði 46a. But where do we find Tveggi outside of F. Magn. lex. myth. 644? conf. Egilss. 610, where we can scarcely read Thriggi for Tveggi. On the Sansk. Ekatas, Dvitas, Tritas see Kuhn in Höfer 1, 279. 281-9. Zend. Thraetaono, Thrita, Spiegel's Zendav. 7. 66. Thraetaono = Feridun, = the three-quivered, says Leo 3, 192-5 (1st ed.).

                p. 163. ) ON. Vili (weak decl., gen. Vilja) would be Goth. Vilja, OHG. Willo. The strong gen. in 'brôðr Vilis,' Egilss. 610 is evid. a slip for Vilja, though we do find the strong nom. Vilir in Yngl. saga c. 3. May we conn. Vili with the Finn. veli, Lap välja, Alban. bela, frater? GDS. 271.

                p. 163n. ) Munch 1, 217 thinks Mithothin arose from misunderstanding metod; to me it is plainly Fellow-Othin, like our mit-regent, etc. Saxo's Ollerus is the Eddic Ullr, as is clear from his using a bone for a ship, Saxo p. 46. Yet Ullr seems a jumble of Saxo's Ollerus and Snorro's Vilir, Yngl. c. 3 (Kl. schr. 5, 425): skip Ullar, Sn. Hafn. 420 = skiöldr; askr Ullar 426. Ydalir, his hall, Sæm. 40b. Uller sagr, F. Magn. lex. 766. Ullar hylli, Sæm. 45b; hrîngr U. 248a; U. sefi = Baldr 93a. Ullr is Thôr's stepson, Sn. 31. 101-5; boga-, veiði-, öndr-, skialdar-âs 105.

                p. 165. ) I might have spoken here of Oðin's relation to his wife Frigg, p. 299, and to Skaði, whom the Yngl. saga c. 9 calls his wife.








The god who rules over clouds and rain, who makes himself known in the lightning's flash and the rolling thunder, whose bolt cleaves the sky and alights on the earth with deadly aim, was designated in our ancient speech by the word Donar itself, OS. Thunar, AS. Thunor, ON. Thôrr. (1) The natural phenomenon is called in ON. þruma, or duna, both fem. like the GOthic þeihvô, which was perhaps adopted from a Finnic language. To the god the Goths would, I suppose, give the name Thunrs. The Swed. tordön, Dan. torden (tonitru), which in Harpestreng still keeps the form thordyn, thordun, is compounded of the god's name and that same duna, ON. Thôrduna? (see Suppl.) In exactly the same way the Swed. term åsikkia, (2) has arisen out of âsaka, the god's waggon or driving, from âs, deus, divus, and aka, vehere, vehi, Swed. åka. In Gothland they say for thunder Thorsåkan, Thor's driving; and the ON. reið signifies not only vehiculum, but tonitru, and reiðarslag, reiðarþruma, are thunderclap and lightning. For, a waggon rumbling over a vaulted space comes as near as possible to the rattling and crashing of thunder. The comparison is so natural, that we find it spread among many nations: dokei ochma tou Dioj h bponth einai, Hesychius sub. v. elasibponta. In Carniola the rolling of thunder is to this day gottes fahren. [To the Russian peasant it is the prophet Iliâ driving his chariot, or else grinding his corn.] Thôrr in the Edda, beside his appellation of Asaþôrr, is more minutely described by Ökuþôrr, i.e. Waggon-thôrr (sn. 25); his waggon is drawn by two he-goats (Sn. 26). Other gods have their waggons too, especially Oðinn and Freyr (see pp. 107, 151), but Thôrr is distinctively thought of as the god who drives; he never appears riding, like Oðinn, nor is he supposed to own a horse: either he drives, or he walks on foot. We are expressly told: 'Thôrr gengr til dômsins, ok veðr âr,' walks to judgment, and wades the rivers (Sn. 18). (3) The people in Sweden still say, when it thunders: godgubben åkar, goffar kör, the gaffer, good father, drives (see Suppl.). They no longer liked to utter the god's real name, or they wished to extol his fatherly goodness (v. supra, p. 21, the old god, Dan. vor gamle fader). The Norwegian calls the lightning Thorsvarme, -warmth, Faye p. 6.

Thunder, lightning and rain, above all other natural phenomena, proceed directly from God, are looked upon as his doing, his business (see Suppl.). (4) When a great noise and racket is kept up, a common expression is: you could not hear the Lord thunder for the uproar; in France:

le bruit est si fort, qu'on n'entend pas Dieu tonner.

As early as the Roman de Renart 11898:

Font une noise si grant

quen ni oist pas Dieu tonant.

29143: Et commenca un duel si grant,

que len ni oist Dieu tonant.

Ogier 10915:

Lor poins deterdent, lor paumes vont batant,

ni oissiez nis ame Dieu tomant.

Garin 2, 38:

Nes Dieu tomnant in possiez oir.

And in the Roman de Maugis (Lyon 1599, p. 64):

De la noyse quils faisoyent neust lon pas ouy Dieu tonner.

But thunder is especially ascribed to an angry and avenging god; and in this attribute of anger and punishment again Donar resembles Wuotan (pp. 18, 142). In a thunderstorm the people say to their children: the gracious God is angry; in Westphalia: use hergot kift (chides, Strodtm. osnabr. 104); in Franconia: God is out there scolding; in Bavaria: der himmeltatl (-daddy) greint (Schm. 1, 462). In Eckstrom's poem in honour of the county of Honstein 1592, cii, it is said:

Gott der herr muss warlich from sein (must be really kind),

dass er nicht mit donner schlegt drein. (5)

The same sentiment appears among the Letton and Finn nations. Lettic: wezzajs kahjâs, wezzajs tehws barrahs (the old father has started to his feet, he chides), Stender lett. gramm. 150. With dievas (god) and dievaitis (godkin, dear god) the Lithuanians associate chiefly the idea of the thunderer: dievaitis grauja! dievaitis ji numusse. Esthonian: wanna issa hüab, wanna essä wäljan, mürrisep (the old father growls), Rosenplänters beitr. 8, 116. 'The Lord scolds,' 'heaven wages war,' Joh. Christ. Petris Ehstland 2, 108 (see Suppl.).

Now with this Donar of the Germani fits in significantly the Gallic Taranis whose name is handed down to us in Lucan 1, 440; all the Celtic tongues retain the word taran for thunder, Irish toran, with which one may directly connect the ON. form Thôrr, if one thinks an assimilation from rn the more likely. But an old inscription gives us also Tanarus (Forcellini sub v.) = Taranis. The Irish name for Thursday, dia Tordain (dia ordain, diardaoin) was perhaps borrowed from a Teutonic one (see Suppl.).

So in the Latin Jupiter (literally, God father, Diespiter) there predominates the idea of the thunderer; in the poets Tonans is equivalent to Jupiter (e.g., Martial vi. 10, 9. 13, 7. Ovid Heroid. 9, 7. Fasti 2, 69. Metam. 1, 170. Claudian's Stilicho 2, 439); and Latin poets of the Mid. Ages are not at all unwilling to apply the name to the christian God (e.g., Dracontius de deo 1,1. satisfact. 149. Ven. Fortunat. p. 212-9. 258). And expressions in the lingua vulgaris coincide ith this: celui qui fait toner, qui fait courre la nue (p. 23-4). An inscription, Jovi tonanti, in Gruter 21, 6. The Greek Zeus who sends thunder and lighting (keraunoj) is styled kerauneioj. Zeuj ektupe, Il. 8, 75. 170. 17, 595. Dioj ktupoj, Il. 15, 379. (6) And because he sends them down from the height of heaven, he also bears the name akrioj, and is pictured dwelling on the mountain-top (akrij). Zeus is enthroned on Olympus, on Athos, Lycaeus, Casius, and other mountains of Greece and Asia Minor.

And here I must lay stress on the fact, that the thundering god is conceived as emphatically a fatherly one, as Jupiter and Diespiter, as far and tatl. For it is in close connexion with this, that the mountains sacred to him also received in many parts such names as Etzel, Altvater, Grossvater. (7) Thôrr himself was likewise called Atli, i.e. grandfather.

A high mountain, along which, from the earliest times, the main road to Italy has lain, in the chain between the Graian and Pennine Alps, what we now call the St. Bernard, was in the early Mid. Ages named mons Jovis. This name occurs frequently in the Frankish annals (Pertz 1, 150. 295. 453. 498. 512. 570. 606. 2, 82), in Otto fris. de gest. Frid. 2, 24, in Radevicus 1, 25, who designates it via Julii Caesaris, modo mons Jovis; in AS. writers munt Jofes (Lye sub. v.), in Ælfr. Boët. p. 150 muntgiow; in our Kaiserchronik 88 monte job.

The name and the worship carry us back to the time of the Romans; the inhabitants of the Alps worshipped a Peninus deus, or a Penina dea: Neque montibus his ab transitu Poenorum ullo Veragri, incolae jugi ejus norunt nomen inditum, sed ab eo (al. deo) quem in summo sacratum vertice peninum montani adpellant; Livy 31, 38. Quamvis legatur a poenina dea quae ibi colitur Alpes ipsas vocari; Servius on Virg. Aen. 10, 13. An inscription found on the St Bernard (Jac. Spon miscellanea antiq. Lugd. 1685, p. 85) says expressly: Lucius Lucilius deo Penino opt. max. donum dedit; from which it follows, that this god was understood to be no other than Jupiter. Conf. Jupiter apenninus, Micali storia 131-5. Zeuj kapaioj occurs in Hesych. [kara means head, and so does the Celtic pen, ben]. The classic writers never use mons Jovis, and the tabula Antonini names only the summus Penninus and the Penni lucus; but between the 4th and 7th centuries Jovis mons seems to have taken the place of these, perhaps with reference [not so much to the old Roman, as] to the Gallic or even German sense which had then come to be attached to the god's name. Remember that German îsarnodori on the Jura mountains not far off (p. 80). (8)

Such names of mountains in Germany itself we may with perfect safety ascribe to the worship of the native deity. Every one knows the Donnersberg (mont Tonnerre) in the Rhine palatinate on the borders of the old country of Falkenstein, between Worms, Kaiserslautern and Kreuznach; it stands as Thoneresberg in a doc. of 869, Schannat hist. wormat. probat. p. 9. Another Thuneresberg situate on the Diemel, in Westphalia, not far from Warburg, and surrounded by the villages of Wormeln, Germete and Welda, is first mentioned in a doc. of 1100, Schaten mon. paderb. 1, 649; in the Mid. Ages it was still the seat of a great popular assize, originally due, no doubt, to the sacredness of the spot: 'comes ad Thuneresberhc' (anno 1123), Wigands feme 222. comitia de Dunrisberg (1105), Wigands arch. I. 1, 56. a judicio nostro Thonresberch (1239), ib. 58. Precisely in the vicinity of this mountain stands the holy oak mentioned on p. 72-4, just as the robur Jovis by Geismar in Hesse is near a Wuotansberg, p. 152. To all appearance the two deities could be worshipped close to one another. The Knüllgebirge in Hesse includes a Donnerkaute. In the Bernerland is a Donnerbühel (doc. of 1303, Joh. Müller 1, 619), called Tonrbül in Justingers Berner chron. p. 50. Probably more Donnersbergs are to be found in other parts of Germany. One in the Regensburg country is given in a doc. of 882 under the name of Tuniesberg, Ried, cod. dipl. num. 60. A sifridus marschalcus de Donnersperch is named in a doc. of 1300, MB. 33, pars 1, p. 289; an Otto de Donersperg, MB. 4, 94 (in 1194), but Duonesberc, 4, 528 (in 1153), and Tunniesberg 11, 432. In the Thüringer wald, between Steinbach and Oberhof, at the 'rennsteig' is a Donershauk (see Suppl.).

A Donares eih, a robur Jovis, was a tree specially sacred to the god of lightning, and of these there grew an endless abundance in the German forests.

Neither does Scandinavia lack mountains and rocks bearing the name of Thôrr: Thors klint in East Gothland (conf. Wildegren's Östergötland 1, 17); Thorsborg in Gothland, Molbech tidskr. 4, 189. From Norway, where this god was pre-eminently honoured, I have nevertheless heard of none. The peasant in Vermland calls the south-west corner of the sky, whence the summer tempests mostly rise, Thorshåla (-hole, cave, Geijer's Svearikes häfder 1, 268).

And the Thunder-mountains of the Slavs are not to be overlooked. Near Milleschau in Bohemia stands a Hromolan, from hrom, thunder, in other dialects grom. One of the steepest mountains in the Styrian Alps (see Suppl.) is Grimming, i.e., Sl. germnik, OSl. gr''mnik, thunder-hill (Sloven. gr'mi, it thunders. Serv. grmi, Russ. grom gremit, quasi bromoj bremei); and not far from it is a rivulet named Donnersbach. (9) The Slavs then have two different words to express the phenomenon and the god: the latter is in OSl. Perûn, Pol. Piorun, Boh. Peraun; (10) among the Southern Slavs it seems to have died out at an earlier time, though it is still found in derivatives and names of places. Dobrowsky (inst. 289) traces the word to the verb peru, ferio, quatio [general meaning rather pello, to push], and this tolerably apt signification may have contributed to twist the word out of its genuine form. (11) I think it has dropt a k: the Lithuanian, Lettish and OPrussian thundergod is Perkunas, Pehrkons, Perkunos, and a great many names of places are compounded with it. Lith., Perkunas grauja (P. thunders), Perkunas musza (P. strikes, ferit); Lett., Pehrkons sperr (the lightning strikes, see Suppl.). The Slav. perun is now seldom applied personally, it is used chiefly of the lightning's flash. Procopius (de Bello Goth. 3, 14) says of the Sclaveni and Antes: qeon men gar ena ton thj a s t p r a o h j dhmiourgon apantwn kurion monon auton nomizousin einai, kai quousin autw boaj te kai iereia opanta. Again, the oak was consecrated to Perun, and old documents define boundaries by it (do perunova duba, as far as P.'s oak); and the Romans called the acorn juglans, i.e., joviglans, Jovis glans, the fruit of the fatherly god. Lightning is supposed to strike oaks by preference (see Suppl.).

Now Perkun suggests that thundergod of the Morduins, Porguini (p. 27), and, what is more worthy of note, a Gothic word also, which (I grant), as used by Ulphilas, was already stript of all personification. The neut. noun faírguni (Gramm. 2, 175. 453) means oroj, mountain. (12) What if it were once especially the Thunder-mountain, and a lost Faírguns the name of the god (see Suppl.)? Or, starting with faírguni with its simple meaning of mons unaltered, may we not put into that masc. Faírguns or Faírguneis, and consequently into Perkunas, the sense of the above mentioned akrioj, he of the mountain top? a fitting surname for the thundergod. Fergunna, ending like Patunna, p. 71, signifies in the Chron. moissiac. anno 805 (Pertz 1, 308) not any particular spot, but the metal-mountains (erzgebirge); and Virgunnia (Virgundia, Virgunda, conf. Zeuss p. 10) the tract of wooded mountains between Ansbach and Ellwangen. Wolfram, Wh. 390, 2, says of his walt-swenden (wood-wasting?): der Swarzwalt und Virgunt müesen dâ von œde ligen, Black Forest and V. must lie waste thereby. In the compounds, without which it would have perished altogether, the OHG. virgun, AS firgen may either bear the simple sense of mountainous, woody, or conceal the name of a god.

Be that as it may, we find faírguni, virgun, firgen connected with divinely-honoured beings, as appears plainly from the ON. Fiörgyn, gen. Fiörgynjar, which in the Edda means Thôr's mother, the goddess Earth: Thôrr Jarðar burr, Sæm. 70 68. Oðins son, Sæm. 73 74. And beside her, a male Fiörgynn, gen. Fiörgyns, Fiörgvins, appears as the father of Oðin's wife Frigg, Sn. 10, 118. Sæm. 63. In all these words we must take faírg, firg, fiörg as the root, and not divide them as faír-guni, fir-gun, fiör-gyn. Now it is true that all the Anzeis, all the Aesir are enthroned on mountains (p. 25), and Firgun might have been used of more than one of them; but that we have a right to claim it specially for Donar and his mother, is shewn by Perun, Perkun, and will be confirmed presently by the meaning of mount and rock which lies in the word hamar. As Zeus is called enakrioj, so is his daughter Pallas akria, and his mother Ga, mater autou Dioj (Sophocl. Philoct. 389); the myth transfers from him to his mother and daughter. Of Donar's mother our very märchen have things to tell (Pentam. 5, 4); and beyond a doubt, the stories of the devil and his bath and his grandmother are but a vulgarization of heathen notions about the thundergod. Lasicz 47 tells us: Percuna tete mater est fulminis atque tonitrui quae solem fessum ac pulverolentum balneo excipit, deinde lotum et mitidum postera die emittit. It is just matertera, and not the mater, that is meant by teta elsewhere.

Christian mythology among the Slav and certain Asiatic nations has handed over the thunderer's business to the prophet Elijah, who drives to heaven in the tempest, whom a chariot and horse of fire receive, 2 Kings 2, 1l. In the Servian songs 2, 1. 2, 2 he is expressly called gromovnik Iliya (13) lightning and thunder (munya and grom) are given into his hand, and to sinful men he shuts up the clouds of heaven, so that they let no rain fall on the earth (see Suppl.). This last agrees with the O.T. too, 1 Kings 17, 1. 18, 41-5, conf. Lu. 4, 25, Jam. 5, 17; and the same view is taken in the OHG. poem, O. iii. 12, 13:

Quedent sum giwâro, Helias sîs ther mâro,

ther thiz lant sô tharta, then himil sô bisparta,

ther iu ni liaz in nôtin regonon then liutin,

thuangta si giwâro harto filu suâro. (14)

But what we have to note especially is, that in the story of Anti-christ's appearance a little before the end of the world, which was current throughout the Mid. Ages (and whose striking points of agreement with the ON. mythus of Surtr and Muspellsheim I shall speak of later), Helias again occupies the place of the northern thundergod. Thôrr overcomes the great serpent, but he has scarcely moved nine paces from it, when he is touched by its venomous breath, and sinks to the ground dead, Sn. 73. In the OHG. poem of Muspilli 48--54, Antichrist and the devil do indeed fall, but Elias also is grievously wounded in the fight:

Doh wanit des vilu gotmanno (15)

daz Elias in demo wîge arwartit:

sâr sô daz Eliases pluot

in erda kitriufit,

sô inprinnant die perga;

his blood dripping on the earth sets the mountains on fire, and the Judgment-day is heralded by other signs as well. Without knowing in their completeness the notions of the devil, Antichrist, Elias and Enoch, which were current about the 7th or 8th century, (16) we cannot fully appreciate this analogy between Elias and the Donar of the heathens. There was nothing in christian tradition to warrant the supposition of Elias receiving a wound, and that a deadly one. The comparison becomes still more suggestive by the fact that the even half-christian races in the Caucasus worship Elias as a god of thunder. The Ossetes think a man lucky who is struck by lightning, they believe Ilia has taken him to himself; survivors raise a cry of joy, and sing and dance around the body, the people flock together; form a ring for dancing, and sing: O Ellai, Ellai, eldaer tchoppei! (O Elias, Elias, lord of the rocky summits). By the cairn over the grave they set up a long pole supporting a skin of a black he-goat, which is their usual manner of sacrificing to Elias (see Suppl.). They implore Elias to make their fields fruitful, and keep the hail away from them. (17) Olearius already had put it upon record, that the Circassians on the Caspian sacrificed a goat on Elias's day, and stretched the skin on a pole with prayers. (18) Even the Muhammadans, in praying that a thunderstorm may be averted, name the name of Ilya. (19)

Now, the Servian songs put by the side of Elias the Virgin Mary; and it was she especially that in the Mid. Ages was invoked for rain. The chroniclers mention a rain-procession in the Liège country about the year 1240 or 1244; (20) three times did priests and people march round (nudis pedibus et in laneis), but all in vain, because in calling upon all the saints they had forgotten the Mother of God; so, when the saintly choir laid the petition before God, Mary opposed. In a new procession a solemn 'salve regina' was sung: Et cum serenum tempus ante fuisset, tanta inundatio pluviae facta est, ut fere omnes qui in processione aderant, hac illacque dispergerentur. With the Lithuanians, the holy goddes (dievaite sventa) is a rain-goddess. Heathendom probably addressed the petition for rain to the thundergod, instead of to Elias and Mary. (21) Yet I cannot call to mind a single passage, even in ON. legend, where Thôrr is said to have bestowed rain when it was asked for; we are only told that he sends stormy weather when he is angry, Olafs Tryggv. saga 1, 302-6 (see Suppl.). But we may fairly take into account his general resemblance to Zeus and Jupiter (who are expressly uetioj, pluvius, Il. 12, 25: ue Zeuj sunecej), and the prevalence of votis imbrem vocare among all the neighbouring nations (see Suppl.).

A description by Petronius cap. 44, of a Roman procession for rain, agrees closely with that given above from the Mid. Ages: Antea stolatae ibant nudis pedibus in clivum, passis capillis, mentionbus puris, et Jovem aquam exorbant; itaque statim uncreatim (in bucketfalls) pluebat, aut tunc aut nunquam, et emnes ridebant, uvidi tanquam mures. M. Antoninus (eij eauton 5, 7) has preserved the beautifully simple prayer of the Athenians for rain: euch Aqhnaiwn, uson, uson, w file Zeu, kata thj apoupaj thj Aqhnaiwn kai twn pediwn (see Suppl.). According to Lasicz, the Lithuanian prayer ran thus: Percune devaite niemuski und mana dirvu (se I emend dievu), melsu tavi, palti miessu. Cohibe te, Percune, neve in meum agrum calamitatem immittas (more simply, strike not), ego vero tibi hanc succidiam dabo. The Old Prussian formula is said to have been: Dievas Perkunos, absolo mus! spare us, = Lith. apsaugok mus! To all this I will add a more extended petition in Esthonian, as Gutslaff (22) heard an old peasant say it as late as the 17th century: 'Dear Thunder (woda Picker), we offer to thee an ox that hath two horns and four cloven hoofs, we would pray thee for our ploughing and sowing, that our straw be copper-red, our grain be golden-yellow. Push elsewhither all the thick black clouds, over great fens, high forests, and wildernesses. But unto us ploughers and sowers give a fruitful season and sweet rain. Holy Thunder (pöha Picken), guard our seedfield, that it bear good straw below, good ears above, and good grain within.' Picker or Picken would in modern Esthonian be called Pitkne, which comes near the Finnic pitkäinen = thunder, perhaps even Thunder; Hüpel's esth. Dict. however gives both pikkenne and pikne simply as thunder (impersonal). The Finns usually give their thundergod the name Ukko only, the Esthonians that of Turris as well, evidently from the Norse Thôrr (see Suppl.). (23)

As the fertility of the land depends on thunderstorms and rains, Pitkäinen and Zeus appear as the oldest divinity of agricultural nations, to whose bounty they look for the thriving of their cornfields and fruits (see Suppl.). Adam of Bremen too attributes thunder and lightning to Thor expressly in connexion with dominion over weather and fruits: Thor, inquiunt, praesidet in aëre, qui tonitrua et fulmina, ventos imbresque, serena et fruges gubernat. Here then the worship of Thor coincides with that of Wuotan, to whom likewise the reapers paid homage (pp. 154-7), as on the other hand Thor as well as Oðinn guides the events of war, and receives his share of the spoils (p. 133). To the Norse mind indeed, Thor's victories and his battle with the giants have thrown his peaceful office quite into the shade. Nevertheless to Wuotan's mightiest son, whose mother is Earth herself, and who is also named Perkunos, we must, if only for his lineage sake, allow a direct relation to Agriculture. (24) He clears up the atmosphere, he sends fertilizing showers, and his sacred tree supplies the nutritious acorn. Thôr's minni was drunk to the prosperity of cornfields.

The German thundergod was no doubt represented, like Zeus and Jupiter, with a long beard. A Dnish rhyme still calls him 'Thor med sit lange skiäg' (F. Magnusen's lex. 957). But the ON. sagas everywhere define him more narrowly as red-bearded, of course in allusion to the fiery phenomenon of lightning: when the god is angry, he blows in his red beard, and thunder peals through the clouds. In the Fornm. sög. 2, 182 and 10, 329 he is a tall handsome, red-bearded youth: Mikill vexti (in growth), ok ûngligr, friðr sýnum (fair to see), ok rauðskeggjaðr; in 5, 249 maðr rauðskeggjaðr. Men in distress invoked his red beard: Landsmenn tôko þat râð (adopted the plan) at heita þetta hit rauða skegg, 2, 183. When in wrath, he shakes his beard: Reiðr var þâ, scegg nam at hrîsta, scör nam at dýja (wroth was he then, beard he took to bristling, hair to tossing), Sæ. 70. More general is the phrase: lêt sîga brýnnar ofan fyrir augun (let sink the brows over his eyes), Sn. 50. His divine rage (âsmôðr) is often mentioned: Thôrr varð reiðr, Sn. 52. Especially interesting is the story of Thôr's meeting with King Olaf 1, 303; his power seems half broken by this time, giving way to the new doctrine; when the christians approach, a follow of Thôrr exhorts him to a brave resistance: þeyt þû î mot þeim skeggrödd þîna (raise thou against them thy beard's voice). þâ gengu þeir ût, ok blês Thôrr fast î kampana, ok þeytti skeggraustina (then went they out, and Th. blew hard into his beard, and raised his beard's voice). kom þâ þegar andviðri môti konûngi svâ styrkt, at ekki mâtti við halda (immediately there came ill-weather against the king so strong, that he might not hold out, i.e. at sea).

This red beard of the thunderer is still remembered in curses, and that among the Frisian folk, without any visible connexion with Norse ideas: 'diis raudhiiret donner regiir!' (let red-haired thunder see to that) is to this day an exclamation of the North Frisians. (25) And when the Icelanders call a fox holta þôrr, Thôrr of the holt, (26) it is probably in allusion to his red fur (see Suppl.).

The ancient languages distinguish three acts in the natural phenomenon: the flash, fulgur, astraph, the sound, tonitrus, bronth, and the stroke, fulmen, keraunoj (see Suppl.).

The lightning's flash, which we name blitz, was expressed in our older speech both by the simple plih, Graff 3, 244, MHG. blic, Iw. 649. Wigal. 7284, and by plechazunga (coruscatio), derived from plechazan, (27) a frequentative of plechên (fulgere), Diut. 1, 222-4; they also used plechunga, Diut. 1, 222. Pleccateshêm, Pertz 2, 383, the name of a place, now Blexen; the MHG. has blikze (fulgur) die blikzen und die donerslege sint mit gewalte in sîner pflege, MS 2, 166.

Again lôhazan (micare, coruscare), Goth. láuhatjan, presupposes a lôhên, Goth. láuhan. From the same root the Goth. forms his láuhmuni (astraph), while the Saxon from blic made a blicsmo (fulgur). AS. leoma (jubar, fulgur), ON. liomi, Swed. ljungeld, Dan. lyn.

A Prussian folk-tale has an expressive phrase for the lightning: 'He with the blue whip chases the devil,' i.e. the giants; for a blue flame was held specially sacred, and people swear by it, North Fris. 'donners blöskên (blue sheen) help!' in Hansent geizhals p. 123; and Schärtlin's curse was blau feuer! (see Suppl).

Beside donar, the OHG. would have at its command caprëh (fragor) from prëhhan (frangere), Gl. hrab. 963, for which the MHG. often has klac, Troj. 12231. 14693, and krach from krachen, (crepare): mit krache gap der doner duz, Parz. 104, 5; and as krachen is synonymous with rîzen (strictly to burst with a crash) we also find wolkenrîz fem. for thunder, Parz. 378, 11. Wh. 389, 18; gegenrîz, Wartb. kr. jen..57; reht als der wilde dunrslac von himel kam gerizzen, Ecke 105. der chlafondo doner, N. Cap. 114; der chlafleih heizet toner; der doner stet gespannen, Apollon. 879. I connect the Gothic þeihvô fem. with the Finnic teuhaan (strepo), teuhaus (strepitus, tumultus), so that it would mean the noisy, uproarious. Som L. Germ. dialects call thunder grummel, Strodtm. Osnabr. 77, agreeing with the Slav. grom, hrom (see Suppl.).

For the notion of fulmen we possess only compounds, except when the simple donner is used in that sense: sluoc alse ein doner, Roth. 1747. hiure hât der schâr (shower, storm) erslagen, MS. 3, 233; commonly donnerschlag, blitzschlag. OHG. blit-scuz (-shot, fulgurum jactus), N. cap. 13; MHG. blickeschoz, Barl. 2, 26. 253, 27, and blicshoz, Martina 205; fiurin donerstrâle, Parz. 104, 1; donreslac, Iw. 651; ter scuz tero fiurentûn donerstrâlo (ardentis fulminis), erscozen mit tien donerstrâlon, N. Bth. 18. 175; MHG. wetterstrahl, blitzstrahl, donnerstrahl. MHG. wilder donerslac, Geo. 751, as lightning is called wild fire, Rab. 412, Schm. 1, 553, and so in ON. villi-eldr, Sn. 60 (see Suppl.).

So then, as the god who lightens has red hair ascribed to him, and he who thunders a waggon, he who smites has some weapon that he shoots. But here I judge that the notion of arrows being shot (wilder pfîl der ûz dem donre snellet, Troj. 7673. doners pfîle, Turnei von Nantheiz 35. 150) was merely imitated from the khla Dioj, tela Jovis; the true Teutonic Donar throws wedge-shaped stones from the sky: 'ez wart nie stein geworfen dar er enkæme von der schûre,' there was never stone thrown there (into the castle high), unless it came from the storm, Ecke 203. ein vlins (flint) von donrestrâlen, Wolfram 9, 32. ein herze daz von vlinse ime donre gewahsen wære (a heart made of the flint in thunder), Wh. 12, 16. schûrestein, Bit. 10332. schawerstein, Suchenw. 33, 83. sô slahe mich ein donerstein! Ms. h. 3, 202. We now call it donnerkeil, Swed. åsk-vigg (-wedge); and in popular belief, there darts out of the cloud together with the flash a black wedge, which buries itself in the earth as deep as the highest church-tower is high. (28) But every time it thunders again, it begins to rise nearer to the surface, and after seven years you may find it above ground. Any house in which it is preserved, is proof against damage by lightning; when a thunder-storm is coming on, it begins to sweat. (29) Such stones are also called donneräxte (-axes) donnersteine, donnerhammer, albschosse (elfshots), strahlsteine, teufelsfinger, Engl. Thunder-bolts, Swed. Thors vigge, Dan. tordenkile, tordenstraale (v. infra, ch. XXXVII), (30) and stone hammers and knives found in ancient tombs bear the same name. Saxo Gram. p. 236:

Inusitati ponderis malleos, quos Joviales vocabant.prisca virorum religione cultos;.cupiens enim antiquitas tonitruorum causas unsitata rerum similitudine comprehendere, malleos, quibus coeli fragores cieri credebat, ingenti aere complexa fuerat (see Suppl.). To Jupiter too the silex (flins) was sacred, and it was held by those taking an oath. From the mention of 'elf-shots' above, I would infer a connexion of the elf-sprites with the thundergod, in whose service they seem to be employed.

The Norse mythology provides Thôrr with a wonderful hammer named Miölnir (mauler, tudes, contundens), which he hurls at the giants, Sæm. 57 67 68; it is also called þruðhamar, strong hammer, Sæm. 67 68, and has the property of returning into the god's hand of itself, after being thrown, Sn. 132. As this hammer flies through the air (er hann kemr â lopt, Sn. 16), the giants know it, lightning and thunder precede the throwing of it: þvî næst sâ hann (next saw he, giant Hrûngnir) eldîngar oc heyrði þrumur stôrar, sâ hann þâ Thôr î âsmôði, fôr hann âkaflega, oc reiddi hamarin oc kastaði, Sn. 109. This is obviously the crushing thunderbolt, which descends after lightning and thunder, which was nevertheless regarded as the god's permanent weapon; hence perhaps that rising of the bolt out of the earth. Saxo, p. 41, represents it as a club (clava) without a handle, but informs us that Hother in a battle with Thor had knocked off the manubium clavae; this agrees with the Eddic narrative of the manufacture of the hammer, when it was accounted a fault in it that the handle was too short (at forskeptit var heldr skamt), Sn. 131. It was forged by cunning dwarfs, (31) and in spite of that defect, it was their masterpiece. In Saxo p. 163, Thor is armed with a torrida chalybs. (32) It is noticeable, how Frauenlob MS. 2, 214 expresses himself about God the Father: der smit ûz Oberlande warf sînen hamer in mîne schôz. The hammer, as a divine tool, was considered sacred, brides and the bodies of the dead were consecrated with it, Sæm. 74. Sn. 49. 66; men blessed with the sign of the hammer, (33) as christians did with the sign of the cross, and a stroke of lightning was long regarded in the Mid. Ages as a happy initiatory omen to any undertaking. Thôrr with his hammer hallows dead bones, and makes them alive again, Sn. 49 (see Suppl.).

But most important of all, as vouching for the wide extension of one and the same heathen faith, appears to me that beautiful poem in the Edda, the Hamars heimt (hammer's homing, mallei recuperatio), (34) whose action is motivated by Thôr's hammer being stolen by a giant, and buried eight miles underground: 'ek hefi Hlôrriða hamar umfîlginn âtta röstom for iörd nedan,' Sæm. 71. This unmistakably hangs together with the popular belief I have quoted, that the thunderbolt dives into the earth and takes seven or nine years to get up to the surface again, mounting as it were a mile every year. At bottom Thrymr, þursa drôttinn, lord of the durses or giants, who has only got his own hammer back again, seems identical with Thôrr, being an older nature-god, in whose keeping the thunder had been before the coming of the âses; this is shown by his name, which must be derived from þruma, tonitru. The compound þrumketill (which Biörn explains as aes tinniens) is in the same case as the better-known þôrketill (see Suppl.).

Another proof that this myth of the thundergod is a joint possession of Scandinavia and the rest of Teutondom, is supplied by the word hammar itself. Hamar means in the first place a hard stone or rock, (35) and secondly the tool fashioned out of it; the ON. hamarr still keeps both meanings, rupes and malleus (and sahs, seax again is a stone knife, the lat. saxum). Such a name is particularly well-suited for an instrument with which the mountain-god Donar, our 'Faírguneis,' achieves all his deeds. Now as the god's hammer strikes dead, and the curses 'thunder strike you' and 'hammer strike you' meant the same thing, there sprang up in some parts, especially of Lower Germany, after the fall of the god Donar, a personification of the word Hamar in the sense of Death or Devil: 'dat die de Hamer! i vor den Hamer! de Hamer sla!' are phrases still current among the people, in which you can exchange Hamer for Düvel, but which, one and all, can only be traced back to the god that strikes with the hammer. In the same way: 'dat is en Hamer, en hamersken kerl,' a rascally impudent cheat. (36) de Hamer kennt se all! the devil may know them all, Schütze 2, 96. Hemmerlein, meister Hämmerlein, signified the evil spirit. Consider also the curses which couple the two names; donner und teufel! both of which stood for the ancient god. By gammel Thor, old Thor, the common people in Denmark mean the devil; in Sweden they long protested by Thore gud. The Lithuanians worshipped an enormous hammer, Seb. Frankes weltbuch 55 (see Suppl.).

It must have been at an earlier stage that certain attributes and titles of the Saviour, and some Judeo-christian legends, were transferred to the heathen god, and particularly the myth of Leviathan to Iörmungandr. As Christ by his death overmastered the monster serpent (Barl. 78, 39 to 79, 14), so Thôrr overcomes the miðgarðsorm (-worm, snake that encircles the world), and similar epithets are given to both. (37) Taking into account the resemblance between the sign of the cross and that of the hammer, it need not seem surprising that the newly converted Germans should under the name of Christ still have the lord of thunder and the giver of rain present to their minds; and so a connexion with Mary the Mother of God (p. 174) could be the more easily established. The earliest troubadour (Diez p. 15. Raynouard 4, 83) actually names Christ still as the lord of thunder, Jhesus del tro.

A Neapolitan fairy-tale in the Pentamerone 5, 4 personifies thunder and lightning (truone e lampe) as a beautiful youth, brother of seven spinning virgins, and son of a wicked old mother who knows no higher oath than 'pe truone e lampe'. Without asserting any external connexion between this tradition and the German one, (38) we discover in it the same idea of a kind and beneficent, not a hostile and fiendish god of thunder.

The large beetle, which we call stag-beetle or fire-beetle, lucanus cervus, taurus (ch. XXI, beetles), is in some districts of South Germany named donnergueg, donnerguge, donnerpuppe (gueg, guegi, beetle), perhaps because he likes to live in oak trees, the tree sacred to thunder. For he also bears the name eichochs, Swed. ekoxe (oak-ox); but then again feuerschröter, fürböter (fire beeter, i.e. kindler), (39) börner or haus-brenner (-burner), which indicates his relation to thunder and lightning. It is a saying, that on his horns he carries redhot coals into a roof, and sets it alight; more definite is the belief mentioned in Aberglaube, p. xcvi, that lightning will strike a house into which this beetle is carried. In Swed. a beetle is still named horntroll (see Suppl.).

Among herbs and plants, the following are to be specially noted: the donnerbart, stonecrop or houseleek, sempervivum tectorum, which, planted on the roof, protects from the lightning's stroke: (40) barba Jovis vulgari more vocatur (Macer Floridus 741),French Joubarbe (conf. Append. p. lviii);

the donnerbesen (-besom), a shaggy tangled nest-like growth on boughs, of which superstition ascribes the generation to lightning; otherwise called alpruthe;

the donnerkraut, sedum;

the donnerflug, fumaria bulbosa;

the donnerdistel, eryngium campestre;

the Dan. tordenskreppe, burdock.

The South Slavs call the iris perunik, Perun's flower, while the Lettons call our hederich (ground-ivy? hedge-mustard?) pehrkones; Perunika is also, like Iris, a woman's name. The oak above all trees was dedicated to the Thunderer (pp. 67, 72): quercus Jovi placuit, Phaedr. 3, 17; magna Jovis antiquo robore quercus, Virg. Georg. 3, 332. At Dodona stood the druj uyikomoj Dioj, Od. 14, 327. 19, 297, but at Troy the beech often named in the Illiad: fhgoj uyhlh Dioj aigiocoio, 5, 693. 7, 60. A particular kind of oak is in Servian grm, and grmik is quercetum, no doubt in close connexion with grom (tonitrus), grmiti or grmlieti (tonare). The acorn is spoken of above, p. 177.

Apparently some names of the snipe (scolopax gallinago) have to do with this subject: donnerziege (-goat), donnerstagspferd (Thursday horse), himmelsziege (capella coelestis); because he seems to bleat or whinny in the sky? But he is also the weatherbird, stormbird, rainbird, and his flight betokens an approaching thunderstorm. Dan. myrehest, Swed. horsgjök, Icel. hrossagaukr, horsegowk or cuckoo, from his neighing; the first time he is heard in the year, he prognosticates to men their fate (Biörn sub v.); evidently superstitious fancies cling to the bird. His Lettish name pehrkona kasa, pehrkona ahsis (thunder's she-goat and he-goat) agrees exactly with the German. In Lithuanian too, Mielcke 1, 294. 2, 271 gives Perkuno ozhys as heaven's goat, for which another name is tikkutis.

Kannes, pantheum p. 439, thinks the name donnerstagspferd belongs to the goat itself, not to the bird; this would be welcome, if it can be made good. Some confirmation is found in the AS. firgengæt (ibex, rupicapra, chamois), and firginbucca (capricornus), to which would correspond an OHG. virgungeiz, virgunpocch; so that in these the analogy of faírguni to Donar holds good. The wild creature that leaps over rocks would better become the god of rocks than the tame goat. In the Edda, Thôrr has he-goats yoked to his thunder-car: between these, and the weather-fowl described by turns as goats and horse (always a car-drawing beast), there might exist some half-obscured link of connexion (see Suppl.). It is significant also, that the devil, the modern representative of the thunder god, has the credit of having created goats, both he and she; and as Thôrr puts away the bones of his goats after they have been picked, that he may bring them to life again (Sn. 49. 50), (41) so the Swiss shepherds believe that the goat has something of the devil in her, she was made by him, and her feet especially smack of their origin, and are not eaten, Tobler 214. Did the German thundergod in particular have he-goats and she-goats sacrificed to him (supra, p. 52)? The Old Roman or Etruscan bidental (from bidens, lamb) signifies the place where lightning had struck and killed a man: there a lamb had to be sacrificed to Jupiter, and the man's body was not burned, but buried (Plin. 2, 54). If the Ossetes and Circassians in exactly the same way offer a goat over the body killed by lightning, and elevate the hide on a pole (supra, p. 174), it becomes the more likely by a great deal that the goat-offering of the Langobards was intended for no other than Donar. For hanging up hides was a Langobardish rite, and was practised on other occasions also, as will presently be shown. In Carinthia, cattle struck by lightning are considered sacred to God; no one, not even the poorest, dares to eat of them (Sartoris reise 2, 158).

Other names of places compounded with that of the thundergod, besides the numerous Donnersbergs already cited, are forthcoming in Germany. Near Oldenburg lies a village named Donnerschwee, formerly Donnerswe, (42) Donnerswehe, Donnerswede (Kohli handb. von Oldenb. 2, 55), which reminds us of Oðinsve, Wodeneswege (p. 151), and leaves us equally in doubt whether to understand wih a temple, or weg a way. Th Norwegian folk-tale tells us of an actual Thors vej (way, Faye p. 5). A village Donnersreut is to be found in Franconia towards Bohemia, a Donnersted in Thedinghausen bailiwick, Brunswick, a Thunresfeld [Thurfield] in AS. documents, Kemble 2, 115. 195. 272, &c. &c.

Many in Scandinavia, e.g., in Denmark, Torslunde (Thôrs lundr, grove), Tosingo (Thôrs engi, ing); (43) several in Sweden, Tors måse (gurges) in a boundary-deed of Östergötland, Broocman 1, 15, Thorsborg in Gothland, Gutalag p. 107. 260. Thôrsbiörg (mountain) and Thôrshöfn (haven) in Norway, Fornm. sög. 4, 12. 343; Thôrsmörk (wood, a holy one?), Nialss. cap. 149. 150. (44) Thôrs nes (nose, cape), Sæm. 155 and Eyrb. saga cap. 4 (see Suppl.). Thors bro (Thôrs brû, bridge) in Schonen, like the Norwegian Thor's-way, leads us to that prevalent belief in devil's bridges and other buildings, which is the popular way of accounting for peculiarly shaped rocks, precipices and steep mountain paths: only God or the devil could have burst them so.

As a man's name, Donar in its simple form is rarely found; one noble family on the Rhine was named Donner von Lorheim, Siebmach. 5, 144. Its derivatives and compounds are not common in any High Germ. dialect; a Carolingian doc. in the Cod. lauresh. no. 464 has Donarad, which I take to be the ON. Thôrâlfr inverted. Such name-formations are far more frequent in the North, where the service of the god prevailed so long: Thôrarr (OHG. Donarari?), Thôrir, Thôrðr, Thôrhallr, Thôrôlfr (OS. Thunerulf in Calend. merseb. Septemb.), Thôroddr, and the feminines Thôra, Thôrun, Thôrarna (formed like diorna, Gramm. 2, 336), Thôrkatla, Thôrhildr, Thôrdîs, &c. I cannot see why the editors of the Fornmanna sögur deprive such proper names as Thôrgeirr, Thôrbiörn, Thôrsteinn, Thôrketill, Thôrvaldr, Thôrfinnr, Thôrgerðr, &c. of their long vowel; it is not the abstract þor, audacia, that they are compounded with, and the Nialssaga, e.g. cap. 65, spells Thôrgeirr, Thôrkatla.

The frequent name Thôrketill, abbrev. Thôrkell, Dan. Torkild, AS. Turketulus, Thurkytel (Kemble 2, 286, 349. v. supra, p. 63), ifit signifies a kettle, a vessel, of the thundergod, resembles Wuotan's sacrificial cauldron (p. 56). The Hymisqviða sings of Thôrr fetching a huge cauldron for the âses to brew ale with, and wearing it on his head, Sæm. 57; which is very like the strong man Hans (ans, âs?) in the nursery-tale clapping the church bell on his head for a cap.

The coupling of Alp (elf) with Donar in Albthonar and Thôrâlfr is worthy of notice, for alpgeschoss (elf-shot) is a synonym for the thunderbolt, and Alpruthe (elf-rod) for the donnerkraut [donnerbesen? see p. 183]. An intimate relation must subsist between the gods and the elves (p. 180), though on the part of the latter a subordinate one (see Suppl.). (45)

It is observable that in different lays of the Edda Thôrr goes by different names. In Lokaglepsa and Harbardslioð he is 'Thôrr, Asaþôrr,' but in Hamarsheimt 'Vingþôrr, Hlôrriði' (yet Thôrr as well), in Alvismâl always 'Vingþôrr,' in Hymisqviða 'Veorr, Hlôrriði,' not to mention the periphrases vagna verr (curruum dominus), Sifjar verr, Oðins sonr. Hlôrriði was touched upon in p. 167, notes. Vîngthôrr they derive from vængr, ala; as if Wing-thunder, the winged one, aëra quatiens? This appears to be far from certain, as he is elsewhere called fôstri Vîngnis, Sn. 101, and in the genealogies this Vîngnir appears by the side of him. Especially important is Veorr, which outside of Hymisqviða is only found once, Sæm. 9, and never except in the nom. sing.; it belongs doubtless to ve, wih, and so betokens a holy consecrated being, distinct from the Ve, gen. Vea on p. 163; the OHG. form must have been Wihor, Wihar? (see Suppl.).

As Oðinn represented journeying abroad, to the Eastern land (p. 163), so is Thôrr engaged in eastward travels: Thôrr var î austrvegi, Sæm. 59, â austrvega 68; fôr or austrvegi, 75; ec var austr, 78; austrförom þînom scaltu aldregi segja seggjom frâ, 68. In these journeys he fought with and slew the giants: var hann farinn î austerveg at berja tröll, Sn. 46. And this again points to the ancient and at that time still unforgotten connexion of the Teutonic nations with Asia; this 'faring east-ways' is told of other heroes too, Sn. 190. 363; e.g., the race of the Skilfingar is expressly placed in that eastern region (sû kynslôð er î austrvegum), Sn. 193; and Iötunheim, the world of the giants, was there situated.

Thôrr was considered, next to Oðinn, the mightiest and strongest of all the gods; the Edda makes him Oðin's son, therein differing entirely from the Roman view, which takes Jupiter to be Mercury's father; in pedigrees, it is true, Thôrr does appear as an ancestor of Oðinn. Thôrr is usually named immediately after Oðinn, sometimes before him, possibly he was feared more than Oðinn (see Suppl.). In Saxo Gramm., Regner confesses: Se, Thor deo excepto, nullam monstrigenae virtutis potentiam expavere, cujus (sc. Thor) virium magnitudini nihil humanarum divinarumque rerum digna possit aequalitate conferri. he is the true national god of the Norwegians, landâs (patrium numen), Egilss. p. 365-6, nd when âss stands alone, it means especially him, e.g., Sæm. 70, as indeed the very meaning of ans (jugum montis) agrees with that of Faírguneis. His temples and statues were the most numerous in Norway and Sweden, and âsmegin, divine strength, is understood chiefly of him. Hence the heathen religion in general is so frequently expressed by the simple Thôr blôta, Sæm. 113, hêt (called) â Thôr, Landn. 1, 12, trûði (believed) â Thôr, Landn. 2, 12. He assigns to emigrants their new place of abode: Thôrr vîsaði honum (shewed him), Land. 3, 7. 3, 12. From the Landnâmabôk we could quote many things about the worship of Thôrr: þar stendr enn Thôrs steinn, 2, 12. gânga til frêtta við Thôr, 3, 12. Thôrr is worshipped most, and Freyr next, which agrees with the names Thôrviðr and Freyviðr occuring in one family line 2, 6; viðr is wood, does it here mean tree, and imply a priestly function? Oðinviðr does not occur, but Týviðr is the name of a plant, ch. XXXVII. It is Thôr's hammer that hallows a mark, a marriage, and the runes, as we find plainly stated on the stones. I show in ch. XXXIII how Thôrr under various aspects passed into the devil of the christians, and it is not surprising if he acquired some of the clumsy boorish nature of the giant in the process, for the giants likewise were turned into fiends. The foe and pursuer of all giants in the time of the Ases, he himself appeared a lubber to the christians; he throws stones for a wager with giants (conf. ch. XVIII). But even in the Eddic Thrymsqviða, he eats and drinks immoderately like a giant, and the Norwegian folk-tale makes him take up cask after cask of ale at the wedding, Faye p. 4; conf. the proverb: mundi enginn Asathôr afdrecka (outdrink). Conversely, the good-natured old giant Thrymr is by his very name a Donar (conf. ch. XVIII). The delightful story of the hobergsgubble (old man of the mountain, giant) was known far and wide in the North: a poor man invites him to stand godfather to his child, but he refuses to come on hearing that Thor or Tordenveir is also a bidden guest (conf. ch. XVIII); he sends however a handsome present (conf. Afzelius 2, 158. Molbech's eventyr no. 62, F. Magn. p. 935). In spite of all divergences, there appears in the structure of this fable a certain similarity to that of Gossip Death, ch. XXVII, for death also is a devil, and consequently a giant; conf. Müllenhoff, schl. holst. p. 289. That is why some of the old tales which still stood their ground in the christian times try to saddle him with all that is odious, and make him out a diabolic being of a worse kind than Oðinn; conf. Gautrekssaga p. 13. Finnr drags the statue of Thôrr to King Olafr, splits and burns it up, then mixes the ashes in furmety and gives it to dogs to devour: 'tis meet that hounds eat Thôrr, who his own sons did eat,' Fornm. sög. 2, 163. This is a calumny, the Edda knows of no such thing, it relates on the contrary that Môði and Magni outlived their father (see Suppl.). Several revived sagas, like that of the creation of wolves and goats, transform Wuotan into the good God, and Donar into the devil.

From the time they became aquainted with the Roman theogony, the writers identify the German thundergod with Jupiter. Not only is dies Jovis called in AS. Thunresdæg, but Latona Jovis mater is Thunres môdur, and capitolium is translated Thôrshof by the Icelanders. Conversely, Saxo Gram. p. 236 means by his 'Jupiter' the Teutonic Thor, the Jupiter ardens above (p. 110); did that mean Donar? As for that Thôrr devouring his children, it seems [a mere importation, aggravated by]a downright confusion of Jupiter with his father Saturn, just as the Norse genealogy made Thôrr an ancestor of Oðinn. The 'presbyter Jovi mactans,' and the 'sacra' and 'feriae Jovis' (in Indicul. pagan.) have been dealt with above, p. 121.

Letzner (hist. Caroli magni, Hildesh. 1603, cap. 18 end) relates: The Saturday after Laetare, year by year cometh to the little cathedral-close of Hildesheim a farmer therunto specially appointed, and bringeth two logs of a fathom long, and therewith two lesser logs pointed in the manner of skittles. The two greater he planteth in the ground one against the other, and a-top of them the skittles. Soon there come hastily together all manner of lads and youth of the meaner sort, and with stones or staves do pelt the skittles down from the logs; other do set the same up again, and the pelting beginneth a-new. By these skittles are to be understood the devilish gods of the heathen, that were thrown-down by the Saxon-folk when they became christian.

Here the names of the gods are suppressed, (46) but one of them must have been Jupiter then, as we find it was afterwards. (47) Among the farmer's dues at Hildesheim there occurs down to our own times a Jupitergeld. Under this name the village of Grossen-Algermissen had to pay 12 g. grosch. 4 pfen. yearly to the sexton of the cathedral; an Algermissen farmer had every year to bring to the cathedral close an eight-cornered log, a foot thick and four feet long, hidden in a sack. The schoolboys dressed it in a cloak and crown, and attacked the Jupiter as they then called it, by throwing stones first from one side, then from the other, and at last they burned it. This popular festivity was often attended with disorder, and was more than once interdicted, prickets were set to carry the prohibition into effect; at length the royal treasury remitted the Jupiter's geld. Possibly the village of Algermissen had incurred the penalty of the due at the introduction of Christianity, by its attachment to the old religion. (48) Was the pelting of the logs to express contempt? In Switzerland the well-known throwing of stones on the water is called Heiden werfen, heathen-pelting; otherwise: 'den Herrgott lösen, vater und mutter lösen,' releasing, ransoming? Tobler 174 (see Suppl.).

I do not pretend to think it at all established, that this Jupiter can be traced back to the Thunar of the Old Saxons. The custom is only vouched for by protocols of the last century, and clear evidence of it before that time is not forthcoming; but even Letzner's account, differing as it does, suggests a very primitive practice of the people, which is worth noting, even if Jupiter has nothing to do with it. The definite date 'laetare' reminds one of the custom universal in Germany of 'driving out Death,' of which I shall treat hereafter, and in which Death is likewise set up to be pelted. Did the skittle represent the sacred hammer?

An unmistakeable relic of the worship paid to the thunder-god is the special observance of Thursday, which was not extinct among the people till quite recent times. It is spoken of in quite early documents of the Mid. Ages: 'nullus diem Jovis in otio observet,' Aberglaube p. xxx. 'de feriis quae faciunt Jovi vel Mercurio,' p. xxxii. quintam feriam in honorem Jovis honorasti, p. xxxvii. On Thursday evening one must neither spin nor hew; Superst., Swed. 55. 110. and Germ. 517. 703. The Esthonians think Thursday holier than Sunday. (49) What punishment overtook the transgressor, may be gathered from another superstition, which, it is true, substituted the hallowed day of Christ for that of Donar: He that shall work on Trinity Sunday (the next after Pentecost), or shall wear anything sewed or knitted (on that day), shall be stricken by thunder; Scheffer's Haltaus, p. 225 (see Suppl.).

If Jupiter had these honours paid him in the 8th century, if the Capitulare of 743 thought it needful expressly to enjoin an 'ec forsacho Thunare,' and much that related to his service remained uneradicated a long time after; it cannot well be doubted, that at a still earlier time he was held by our forefathers to be a real god and one of their greatest.

If we compare him with Wuotan, though the latter is more intellectual and elevated, Donar has the advantage of a sturdy material strength, which was the very thing to recommend him to the peculiar veneration of certain races; prayers, oaths, curses retained his memory oftener and longer than that of any other god. But only a part of the Greek Zeus is included in him.


                1. So even in High German dialects, durstag for donrstag, Engl. Thursday, and Bav. doren, daren for donnern (Schm. 1, 390). In Thôrr it is not RR, but only the first R (the second being flectional), that is an abbrev. of NR.; i.e. N suffers syncope before R, much as in the M. Dut. ere, mire, for ênre mînre.

                2. Conf. Onsike (Odin´s drive?) supra, p. 159.

                3. Scarcely contradicted by his surname Hlôrriði; this riði probably points to reið, a waggon; Hlôrriði seems to me to come by assimilation from hlôðriði, conf. ch. XIII, the goddes Hlôðyn.

                4. A peasant, being requested to kneel at a procession of the Host, said: I don't believe the Lord can be there, 'twas only yesterday I heard him thunder up in heaven; Weidners apophthegmata, Amst. 1643, p. 277.

                5. In a poem made up of the first lines of hymns and songs: Ach gott vom himmel sieh darein, und werfe einen donnerstein, es ist gewislich an der zeit, dass schwelgerei und üppigkeit zerschmettert werden mausetodt! sonst schrein wir bald aus tiefer noth.

                6. One might be tempted to connect the Etruscan Tina = Jupiter with Tonans and Donar; it belongs more immediately to Zhn (v. infra, Zio).

                7. Zeitschr. des hess. vereins 2, 139-142. Altd. blätt. 1, 288. Haupts zeitschr. 1, 26. Finnish: isäinen panee (Renval. 118), the father thunders. To the Finns ukko signifies proavus, senex, and is a surname of the gods Wäinäsnöinen and Ilmarinen. But also Ukko of itself denotes the thundergod (v. infra). Among the Swedish Lapps aija i both avus and tonitrus (see Suppl.).

                8. This mons Jovis must be distinguished from mons gaudii, by which the Mid. Ages meant a height near Rome: Otto frising 1. c. 2, 22; the Kaiserchr. 88 translates it verbally mendelberc. In Romance poems of the 12-13th centuries, monjoie is the French battle-cry, generally with the addition of St Denis, e.g. monjoya, monjoya sant Denis! Ferabas 365. monjoie enseigne S. Denis! Garin 108. Ducange in his 11th dissertation on Joinville declares monjoie inadmissible as a mere diminutive of mont, since in other passages (Roquefort 2, 207) it denotes any place of joy and bliss, a paradise, so that we can fairly keep to the literal sense; and there must have been mountains of this name in more than one region. It is quite possible that monjoie itself came from an earlier monjove (mons Jovis), that with the god's hill there associated itself the idea of a mansion of bliss (see Suppl.).

                9. Kindermann, abriss von Steiermark pp. 66, 67, 70, 81.

                10. The Slovaks say Parom, and paromova strela (P.'s bolt) for perunova; phrases about Parom, from Kollar, in Hanusch 259, 260.

                11. Might perun be connected with keraunoj = peraunoj ? Still nearer to Perun would seem to be the Sansk. Parjanyas, a name borne by ndra as Jupiter pluvius, literally, fertilizing rain, thunder-cloud, thunder. A hymn to this rain-god in Rosen's Vedae specimen p. 23. Conf. Hitzig Philist. 296, and Holtzmann 1, 112, 118.

                12. Matt. 8, 1. Mk 5, 5. 11. 9, 2. 11, 1. Lu. 3, 5. 4, 29. 9, 37. 19, 29. 37. I Cor. 13, 2. Baírgahei (h oreinh) in Lu. 1, 39, 65; never the simple baírgs.

                13. Udrí gromom, gromovit Iliya! smite with thunder, thunderer Elias, 1, 77.

                14. Greg. tur., pref. to bk 2: Meminerit (lector) sub Heliae tempore, qui pluvias cum voluit abstulit, et cum libuit arentibus terris infudit, &c.

                15. Gotman, a divine, a priest? Conf. supra, pp. 88-9.

                16. The Rabbinical legend likewise assumes that Elias will return and slay the malignant Sammael; Eisenmenger 2, 696. 851.

                17. Klaproth's travels in the Caucasus 2, 606. 601.

                18. Erman's archiv für Russland 1841, 429.

                19. Ad. Olearius reiseschr. 1647, pp. 522-3.

                20. Aegidius aureae vallis cap. 135 (Chapeauville 2, 267-8). Chron. belg. magn. ad ann. 1244 (Pistorius 3, 263).

                21. Other saints also grant rain in answer to prayer, as St Mansuetus in Pertz, 6, 512. 513; the body of St Lupus carried about at Sens in 1097, Pertz 1, 106-7. Conf. infra, Rain-making.

                22. Joh. Gutslaff, kurzer bericht und unterricht von der falsch heilig genandten bäche in Liefland Wöhhanda. Dorpt. 1644, pp. 362-4. Even in his time the language of the prayer was hard to understand; it is given, corrected in Peterson's Finn. mythol. p. 17, and Rosenplänter's beitr., heft 5, p. 157.

                23. Ukko is, next to Yumala (whom I connect with Wuotan), the highest Finnish god. Pitkäinen literally means the long, tall, high one.

                24. Uhland in his essay on Thôrr, has penetrated to the heart of the ON. myths, and ingeniously worked out the thought, that the very conflict of the summer-god with the winter-giants, itself signifies the business of bringing, land under cultivation, that the crushing rock-splitting force of the thunderbolt prepares the hard stony soil. This is most happily expounded of the Hrûngnir and Örvandill sagas; in some of the others it seems not to answer so well.

                25. Der geizhalz auf Silt, Flensburg 1809, p. 123; 2nd. ed. Sonderburg 1833, p. 113.

                26. Nucleus lat. in usum scholae schalholtinae. Hafniae 1738, p. 2088.

                27. While writing plechazan, I remember pleckan, plahta (paters, nudari; bleak), MHG. blecken, blacte, Wigal. 4890; which, when used of the sky, means: the clouds open, heaven opens, as we still say of forked and sheet lightning; conf. Lohengr. p. 125: reht alsam des himmels bliz von doner sich erblecket. If this plechan is akin to plih (fulgur), we must suppose two verbs plîhhan pleih, and plëhhan plah, the second derived from the first. Slav. blesk, blisk, but Boh. bozhi posel, god's messenger, lightning-flash. Russ. molniya, Serv. munya, fem. (see Supple.).

                28. This depth is variously expressed in curses, &c. e.g. May the thunder strike you into the earth as far as a hare can run in a hundred years!

                29. Weddigens westfäl. mag. 3, 713. Wigands archiv 2, 320, has nine years instead of seven.

                30. The Grk name for the stone is belemnithj a missile.

                31. As Zeus's lightning was by the Curetes or Cyclopes.

                32. That in ancient statues of the thundergod the hammer had not been forgotten, seems to be proved by pretty late evidence, e.g. the statue of a dorper mentioned in connexion with the giants (Ch. XVIII, quotation from Fergût). And in the AS. Solomon and Saturn, Thunor wields a fiery axe (ch. XXV, Muspilli).

                33. In the Old Germ. law, the throwing of a hammer ratifies the acquisition of property.

                34. No other lay of the Edda shows itself so intergrown with the people's poetry of the North; its plot survives in Swedish, Danish and Norwegian songs, which bear the same relation to that in the Edda as our folk-song of Hildebrand and Alebrand does to our ancient poetry. Thor no longer appears as a god, but as Thorkar (Thorkarl) or Thord af Hafsgaard, who is robbed of his golden hammer, conf. Iduna 8, 122. Nyerups udvalg 2, 188. Arvidsson 1, 3. Schade's beskrivelse over öen Mors, Aalborg 1811, p. 93. Also the remarkable legend of Thor með tungum hamri in Faye's norske sagn. Arendal 1833, p. 5, where also he loses and seeks his hammer.

                35. Slav. kamen gen. kamnia, stone; Lith. akm°u gen. akmens; kam = ham. 

                36. Brem. wtb. 2, 575. dat di de hamer sla! Strodtm. p. 80, conf. Schm. 2, 192. the hammer, or a great hammer strike you! Abeles künstl. unordn. 4, 3. Gerichtsh. 1, 673. 2, 79. 299. 382. verhamert dür, kolt, Schütze 2, 96 = verdonnert, verteufelt, blasted, cursed &c. How deeply the worship of the god had taken root among the people, is proved by these almost ineradicable curses, once solemn protestations: donner! donnerwetter! heiliges gewitter (holy thunderstorm)! And, adding the christian symbol: kreuz donnerwetter! Then, euphemistically disguised: bim (by the) dummer, potz dummer! dummer auch! Slutz 1, 123. 2, 161-2. 3, 56. bim dummer hammer 3, 51. bim dumstig, dunnstig! as in Hesse: donnerstag! bim hamer! In Flanders: bi Vids morkel hamer! Willem's vloeken, p. 12.

                37. Finn Magnusen lex. 484-5.

                38. How comes the Ital. to have a trono (Neap. truono, Span. trueno) by the side of tuono? and the Provencal a trons with the same meaning? Has the R slipt in from our donar, or still better from the Goth. drunjus, sonus, Rom. 10, 18 (conf. drönen, 'cymbal's droning sound' of Dryden)? or did the Lat. thronus pass into the sense of sky and thunder? 'förchst nicht, wanns tonnert, ein tron werd vom himmel fallen?' Garg. 181. The troubadour's 'Jhesus del tro' might then simply mean lord of the firmament.

                39. 'I wol don sacrifice, and fyres beete,' Chaucer. Hence beetle itself? AS. bytel.


                40. A Provencal troubadour, quoted by Raynouard sub v. barbajol, says: e daquel erba tenon pro li vilan sobra lur maiso. Beside this hauswurz (hauswurzel, Superst. 60), the hawthorn, albaspina, is a safeguard against lightning (Mém. de l' acad. celt. 2, 212), as the laurel was among the ancient Romans, or the white vine planted round a house; conf. brennessel (Superst. 336); 'palm branches laid upon coals, lighted candles, a fire made on the hearth, are good for a thunderstorm,' Braunschw. anz. 1760, p. 1392. The crossbill too is a protector (Superst. 335); because his beak forms the sign of the cross or hammer? but the nest-making redbreast or redstart appears to attract lightning (ch. XXI, redbreast; Superst. 629. 704); was he, because of his red plumage, sacred to the redbearded god? (see Suppl.).

                41. The myth of the slaughtered goats brought to life again by hammer-consecration, and of the boar Sæhrîmnir (Sn. 42) being boiled and eaten every day and coming whole again every evening, seems to re-appear in more than one shape. In Wolf's Wodana, p. xxviii, the following passage on witches in Ferrara is quoted from Barthol. de Spina (d. 1546), quaestio de strigibus: Dicunt etiam, quod postquam comederunt aliquem pinguem bovem vel aliquam vegetem, vino vel arcam seu cophinum panibus evacuarunt et consumpserunt ea vorantes, domina illa percutit aurea virga quam manu gestat ea vasa vel loca, et statim ut prius plena sunt vini vel panis ac si nihil inde fuisset assumptum. Similiter congeri jubet ossa mortui bovis super corium ejus extensum, ipsumque per quatuor partes super ossa revolvens virgaque percutiens, vivum bovem reddit ut prius, ac reducendum jubet ad locum suum. The diabolical witches' meal very well matches that of the thundergod. But we are also told in legends, that the saint, after eating up a cock, reanimated it out of the bones; and so early as parson Amis, we find the belief made use of in playing-off a deception (I. 969 seq.). Folk-tales relate how a magician, after a fish had been eaten, threw the bones into water, and the fish came alive again. As with these eatable creatures, so in other tales there occurs the reanimation of persons who have been cut to pieces: in the märchen vom Machandelbom (juniper tree); in the myth of Zeus and Tantalus, where the shoulder of Pelops being devoured by Demeter (Ovid 6, 406) reminds us of the he-goat's leg bones being split for the marrow, and remaining lame after he came to life again; in the myth of Osiris and St. Adalbert (Temme p. 33); conf. DS. no. 62, and Ezekiel 37. Then in the eighth Finnish rune, Lemminkäimen's mother gathers all the limbs of his dismembered body, and makes them live again. The fastening of heads that have been chopped off to their trunks, in Waltharius 1157 (conf. p. 93) seems to imply a belief in their reanimation, and agrees with a circumstance in Norske eventyr pp. 199, 201.

                42. 'to Donerswe, dar heft de herscup den tegenden (teind, tithe),' Land register of 1428.

                43. Others specified in Suhm, krit. hist. 2, 651.

                44. The settlers of Iceland, when they consecrated a district to Thôrr, named it Thôrsmörk, Land. 5, 2. ed. nova p. 343. From Donnersmark (Zschötör tökely) in the Hungarian county of Zips, comes the Silesian family of Henkel von Donnersmark. Walach. manura: die Donnersmarkt.

                45. To the Boriât Mongols beyond L. Baikal, fairy-rings in grass are "where the sons of the lightning have danced." Trans.

                46. In the Corbei chron., Hamb. 1590, cap. 18, Letzner thinks it was the god of the Irmensûl. He refers to MS. accounts by Con. Fontanus, a Helmershaus Benedictine of the 13th century.

                47. A Hildesheim register drawn up at the end of the 14th century or beginn. of the 15th cent. says: 'De abgotter (idols), so sunnabends vor laetare (Letzn. 'sonnab. nach laet.') von einem hausmann von Algermissen gesetzet, davor (for which) ihm eine hofe (hufe, hide) landes gehört zur sankmeisterie (chantry?), und wie solches von dem hausmann nicht gesetzt worden, gehort Cantori de hove landes.' Hannoversche landesblätter 1833, p. 30.

                48. Lüntzel on farmer's burdens in Hildesheim 1830, p. 205. Hannov. mag. 1833, p. 693. Protocols of 1742-3 in an article 'On the Stoning of Jupiter,' Hannov. landesbl., ubi supra.

49. Etwas über die Ehsten, pp. 13-4.




                p. 166. ) Donar stands related to donen extendere, expansion of the air (Hpt Ztschr. 5, 182), as tonoj to teinw, yet tonare is in Sansk. stan, resembling stentwr, stonoj and our stöhnen, Kl. schr. 2, 412. In AS., beside Thunor, of whom there is a legend (p. 812-3), we have also Dhôr, Sal. and Sat. 51. So the rubric over John 5, 17 has þunres-dæg, while that over John 5, 30 has þurs-dæg; and the Norman Dudo calls him Thur, Wormius mon. 24. The Abren. has Thuner, dat. Thunare. MHG. still dunre, Pass. 227, 81. Dietr. drach. 110b. des dunres sun (Boanerges), Pass. 227, 59 (Kl. schr. 2, 427). For the compound Swed. tordön, Dan. torden, the Norw. has thordaan, Faye 5, the Jemtl. torn, Almqv. 297, Westgötl. thorn and tånn. In the Dan. märchen Torden-vejr means Thor, as Donner-wetter in Germ. curses stands for Donar. The Swed. Lapps call the thunder-god Tiermes, Klemm 3, 86-7, Ostiaks Toruim 3, 117, Chuvashes Tóra, Tór, Yakuts Tanara, Voguls Tórom, Rask's Afh. 1, 44. 33.

                p. 167. ) ON. reið is not only vehiculum, but tonitru: lystir reið (al. þruma), Gulaþ. Hafn. 498. Norw. Thorsreia tonitru, Faye 5. Danish critics regard Ökuþôrr as a different being from Asaþôrr, and as belonging to an older time; yet Sn. 25 places them side by side, and looks upon Thor too as Ökuþôrr, conf. 78. He drives a chariot; conf. the Schonen superst. about Thor, Nilsson 4, 40-1. (1) In Östgötl. the åska is called goa; when it thunders, they say 'goa går,' Kalen 11a; goffar kör, Almqv. 347, but also gomor går 384, and kornbonden går 385. In Holland: 'onze lieve Heer reed (drove) door de lucht.' Father God is rolling d'brenta (milk-vessels) up and down the cellar steps, Wolf's Ztschr. 2, 54. Can the old kittel-kar (kettle-car?) of the giant with two goats refer to Donar's chariot? Müllenh. 447; conf. Kl. schr. 2, 422. Thôrr carries a basket on his back: meis, iarnmeis, Sæm. 75a. Sn. 111. OHG. meisa, Graff 2, 874.

                p. 167. ) God thunders: die blikzen und die donrelege sint mit gewalte in sîner pflege, MS. 2, 166b. Zeus raises tempest: ote te Zeuj lailapa teinh, Il. 16, 365; 'what doth Zeus?' meant how's the weather? O. Müller's Gr. gesch. 1, 24. Jupiter, alles weters gewalt het er, Ksrchr. 1152 (p. 630). In France: ni oistau nes Damledeu tonant, Aspremont 22b. nes Deu tonant ni poistau oir, Mort de Gar. 145-9. noissiez Deu tonant, Garins 3, 205; conf. 'si gran romore facevano, che i tuoni non si sarieno potuti udire,' Decam. 2, 1. When a thunderstorm comes on, men say: 'schmeckste paar öchsel? merkste e scheindl?' Weinh. schles. wtb. 82; 'ecce ubi iterum diabolus ascendit!' Cæs. Heist. 4, 21. The Russians shout words of insult after the retreating tempest, Asbjörnsen's Hjemmet 193.

                p. 168. ) Thunder is God (or the angels) playing at bowls: uns Herr speelt kegeln, Schütze 4, 164. die engel kegeln, Müllenh. 358; conf. the skittle-playing in the Odenberg, p. 953. Or is it anger, and the thunder-bolt his rod, Pol. bozy praten.

                p. 168. ) The same Taranis is in the Vedas a surname of Indra the thunder-god, he that passes through, from taran = trans; and so Perun may be conn. with pera (but see p. 171, and Kl. schr. 2, 420). Welsh taran thunder, Gael. tairneach, tairneanach, also torrunn. Taranucnus, Mone's Bad. urgesch. 2, 184. In Burgundy a town Tarnodurum, whose later name Tonnerre and 'le Tonnerrois,' Jos. Garnier 51, prove that the notion of thunder lay in the old name; conf. Kl. schr. 2, 412.

                p. 169 n. ) Thôrr heitir Atli oc âsabragr, Sn. 211a, conf. Atli 208a. The Lapps call their Tiermes aiyeke, and his deputy yunkare, stor-yunkare, Klemm 3, 86, the Ests their Pikker wana essa, old father, Verh. 2, 36-7; and the American Indians their Supreme Being the grandfather, Klemm 2, 153. With the mountains Etzel, Altvater we may perh. associate a high mountain Oetschan, Helbl. 7, 1087 (now Öftscher), from Sl. otets, voc. otche, father; conf. Kl. schr. 2, 421.

                p. 170n. ) The St. Bernard or Great Bernard is called Montijoux, A.D. 1132. On the jugum Penninum, deus Penninus, see Zeuss 34. 99. Dieffenb. Celt. 1, 170. Several inscriptions 'Jovi Pœnino, Penino' in De Wal no. 211-227. A Mount of joy in Meghaduta 61; in Moravia the Radost, joy. Finn. ilo-kivi, stone of joy, Kalev. 3, 471.

                p. 171. ) Comes ad Thuneresberhc (yr. 1123), Erh. 150; apud Thuneresberg 133. Sifrit de Tonresberc (1173), MB. 33a, 44. Sifridus de Donresberch (1241-58) 33a, 68. 90. Of a dragon it is said: er hete wol drî kiele verslunden (swallowed) und den Dunresberc, Dietr. drach. 262b (str. 834). vom Donresberge, Hpt Ztschr. 1, 438. A Donnersberg by Etteln, S. of Paderborn. AS. Ðunresleá, Kemble 3, 443. 4, 105. 5, 84. Ðunresfeld 3, 394. 5, 131, conf. 6, 342. Doneresbrunno, Ztschr. f. Hess. gesch. 1, 244.

                p. 171. ) With Slav. grom, hrom (Kl. schr. 2, 418) put our LG. grummeln of distant thunder, Ir. crom, cruim thunder,French grommeler growl; also Lith. grauja it thunders, growimmas thunder.

                p. 171. ) To Lith. Perkunas musza, Nesselm. 411b, and P. grauja, grumena 286a, add the phrases: Perkuns twyksterejo (has crashed), P. uzdege (has kindled); Perkuno szowimmas (stroke), P. growimmas (peal), P. zaibas (flash); perkunija thunderstorm. The Livl. reimchr. 1435 says of him: als ez Perkune ir abgot gap, daz nimmer sô harte gevrôs. Near Battenhof in Courland is a Perkunstein with legends about it, Kruse's Urgesch. 187. 49; a Perkuhnen near Libau. Pehrkones is hedge-mustard. The Lapps have an evil god or devil perkel, pergalak, Finn. perkele, Kalev. 10, 118. 141. 207. 327 (sup. to 987).

                p. 172. ) In Finn. the oak (tammi) is called God's tree, puu Yumalan, Kalev. 24, 98. 105-7. 115-7; conf. Zeus's oak p. 184, robur Jovis p. 170. Ju-glans, Dioj balanoj = castanea, Theophr. 3, 8. 10. Diosc. 1, 145. The oak being sacred to Thôrr, he slays the giants that take refuge under it; under the beech he has no power over them. It has been remarked, that lightning penetrates twenty times as far into the oak as into the beech, Fries bot. udfl. 1, 110.

                p. 172. ) A Swed. folksong (Arvidss. 3, 504) makes Thôrr live in the mountain: locka till Thor î fjäll. Beside Fi0rgvin's daughter Frigg, another daughter Iörð is called Oðin's wife, and is mother of Thôrr. But if Thôrr be = Faírguni, he is by turns Oðin's father and Oðin's son; and he, as well as Frigg, is a child of earth (iörð), Kl. schr. 2, 415. GDS. 119.

                p. 173. ) Of Enoch and Elias, who are likewise named together in the ON. dicer's prayer (Sup. to 150), we read in Fundgr. 2, 112:

                        sie hânt och die wal (option),

                        daz sie den regin behabin betalle (keep back rain)

                        swenne in gevalle (when they please),

                        unt in abir lâzin vliezen (again let flow);

                        ir zungin megin den himel besliezen (shut up)

                        unt widir ûftuon (open),

                        sô si sich wellint muon. The Lithuanians call Lady-day Elyiôs diena, Ilyios diena, on which it begins or ceases to rain. They derive it from ilyia, it sets in (to rain); is it not rather Elias's day? Elias legends of Wallachia and Bukowina in Schott. 375. Wolf Ztschr. 1, 180. On his battle with Antichrist conf. Griesh. 2, 149.

                p. 174. ) Hominem fulgure ictum cremari nefas; terra condi religio tradidit, Pliny 2, 54. Places struck by lightning were sacred with the Greeks, and were called hlusia, enhlusia, because the descending deity had visited them. They were not to be trampled: hoc modo contacta loca nec intueri nec calcari debere fulgurales pronuntiant libri, Amm. Marcell. 23, 5. One peculiar rite was thoroughly Etruscan: such a spot was called bidental, because a two-year old sheep was sacrif. there, Festus sub vv. bidental, ambidens. O. Müller's Etr. 2, 171; the railing round it was puteal, and may be compared to the Ossetic skinpole: bidental locus fulmine tactus et expiatus ove, Fronto 277. Cattle struck dead by lightning are not to be eaten, Westendorp 525.

                p. 175. ) uetoj, Umbr. savitu, Aufr. u. Kirchh. 2, 268. ue d ara Zeuj pannucoj, Od. 14, 457. Athen. 4, 73. ton Di alhqwj wmhn dia koskinou ourein, Aristoph. Clouds 373; conf. imbrem in cribrum gerere, Plaut. Ps. i. 1, 100. Dioj ombroj, Od. 9, 111. 358. oute Peloponnhsioij usen o qeoj, Paus. ii. 29, 6. An Egypt. magian conjures the air-god Hermes (ton aerion) for rain, Cass. Dio 71, 8. Indra, who has the thunderbolt, is also god of rain; when he disappeared, it rained no more, Holtzm. 3, 140. 1, 15. In Dalecarl. skaurman åk, the shower-man rides = it thunders, Almqv. 258; conf. Goth. skura vindis = lailay, OHG. scûr tempestas, grando, AS. scûr procella, nimbus, ON. skûr nimbus (Kl. schr. 2, 425).

                p. 175. ) Another rain-procession in 1415, Lindenbl. 301. Petronius's 'uvidi tanquam mures' is like our MHG. in Eracl. 142b: sô sît ir naz als eine mûs (from Enenkel), wet as a drowned rat. A prayer of the legio tonans, likewise under M. Antonine, brings on torrents, Cass. Dio 71, 8. A Hungarian prayer for rain, Ungarn in parab. 90; others in Klemm 2, 160 (Kl. schr. 2, 439-458).

                p. 176. ) Pikker, Kalewipoeg 3, 16. 23. 358. 16, 855. pikkertaati 20, 730. On pikker and pikne see Estn. Verh. 2, 36-7. He is the avenging thrice-nine god, that appears in the lightning, and with red-hot iron rod (raudwits) chastises evn the lesser gods, who flee before him, like the giants before Thor, to human hearths 2, 36-38. Pikne seems an abbrev. of pitkäinen, tonitru, which occurs in the Finnic form of the Esth. prayer for rain, Suomi 9, 91, and comes from pitkä longus; pitkäikäinen longaevus, the Old = Ukko, says Castrén myth. 39, or perhaps the long streak of the lightning. On Toro, Toor, Torropel see Estn. Verh. 2, 92.

                p. 176. ) Ukko blesses the corn, Peterson 106. In a waste field on the coast of Bretagne St. Sezny throws his hammer, and in one night the corn grows up into full ripe ears around it, Bret. Volkss. by Aug. Stöber, prob. after Souvestre.

                p. 177. ) The Thunder-god must be meant in the story of the red-bearded giant and the carriage with the golden he-goat, Wolf Ztschr. 2, 185-6. With the N. American Indians both Pahmioniqua and Jhächinchiä (red thunder) are men's names, Catlin tr. by Bergh. 136. 190-1.

                p. 178. ) The three phenomena of lightning are described as simultaneous in Hes. Theog. 691: keraunoi iktar ama bronth te kai asteroph poteonto. Distinct from fulgur is a fourth notion, fulguratio (sine ictu).

                p. 178. ) Fulgur is called bliks, as late as Justinger. Blixberg, now the ruined castle of Plixburg (Plickhs-perckh in old docs.), stands in the Münster valley near Colmar, oppos. a dwarf's mountain, Schöplfin Als. dipl. no. 1336. des snellen blickes tuc, Freid. 375. himelblicke, Servat. 397. 1651. Roth. 3536. In Styria, himlatzen to lighten, weterblicke fulgura, Hpt Ztschr. 8, 137. wetterleich, Stalder 2, 447. hab dir das plab feuer! H. Sachs ii. 4, 19a. blue light in thunderstorms, Schwab's Alb. 229. Lightning strikes or 'touches': mit blitz gerührt, Felsenb. 1, 7. It arises when sparks are struck with the fiery axe, p. 180a. 813; af þeim liomom leiptrir qvômo, Sæm. 151a. Koonidhj afiei yoloenta keraunon, Od. 24, 539. arghti keraunw 5, 128. 131. trisulcum fulgur, Festus, Varro ap. Non. 6, 2. Sen. Thyest. 1089. ignes trisulci, Ov. Met. 2, 848. Ibis 471. tela trisulca, Claudian iii. Cons. Hon. 14. genera fulminum tria esse ait Caecina, consiliarium, auctoritatis et status, Am. Marc. 23, 5; conf. O. Müll. Etr. 2, 170. The Etruscans had nine fulgurating gods 2, 84. In Romanic, lightning is camêg, form. also calaverna, chalávera; straglüsch, sagietta, saetta lightn. that pierces, also lütscherna (lucerna?). Lith. zaibas lightn., Perkuno zaibas streak of lightn., from zibeti to shine, Nesselm. 345. Mere fulguratio, summer-lightn., distant, feeble, that does not strike, the Finns call Kalevan tulet, K. valkiat, i.e. Calevae ignes, bruta fulmina autumnalia, or kapeen tulet, genii ignes. Lightning is named pur Dioj, Hebr. fire of God.

                p. 178 n.) Blecken, plechazan, heaven opening, reminds of the Bastarnae, who thought, when it lightened, the sky was falling on them, Livy 40, 58; conf. Duncker p. 84. In Servain songs munya is the vila's daughter, grom her brother. Mèsets, moon, marries Munya, Vuk 1, 154n. 229-231.

                p. 178. ) Tonitrus is toniris chlaccha, Hattem. 3, 598b. tonnerklapf, Justinger 383. 'thunderclap words,'French Simpl. 1, 231. dôzes klac, Parz. 379, 11. Troj. 12231. 14693. donrescal, Fundgr. 2, 116. tonnerbotz, Garg. 270b. 219b, from donerbôz. ON. skrugga tonitru, conf. skröggr fulminans. Dan. tordenskrald, tordenbrag. LG. grummel-wier, -schuur, -taaren (-cloud), Lyra 103. 117, see Sup. to 171. We say thunder rollt, grollt (if distant, grommelt). As lightn. is a bird's glance, thunder is the flapping of its wings, Klemm. 2, 155. Zeus's eagle holds his lightnings, and an eagle raises the storm-wind, p. 633; conf. the bird of Dawn.

                p. 179. ) Fulmen is OHG. donarstrâla, Graff 6, 752 and laucmedili, Gl. Jun. 191. Graff 2, 707. blic-schôz mit (or, an) dunr-slegen, Pass. 89, 49. 336, 9. des donres schuz, Freid. 128, 8. donrestrâl der niht enschiuzet, Turl. Wh. 11a. dornstrâl, Griesh. 151. die donerblicke, Fundgr. 1, 73. donresblicke, Freid. 123, 26. des donrisslac, Fundgr. 2, 125. 'ob der doner z'aller frist slüege, swann ez blekzend ist,' if it struck every time it lightens, W. gast 203. swaz er der heiden ane quam, die sluoc er alse ein doner sân, Rother 2734. dô sluog er alsô der thoner, for dem sich nieman mac bewarn, Diemer 218, 8. schûrslac, Helbl. 8, 888. wolkenschôz, Lanz. 1483. weterwegen, Pass. 336, 10. 2. OHG. drôa, drewa is both minae, oraculum, and fulmen, ictus, Graff 5, 246; because lightn. is a bodeful phenomenon? Old French es foldres du ciel, Ogier 1, 146. foudre qi art, Guiteclin 2, 137. Le tonnerre a sept différentes formes pour se manifester aux Polognotis. Il tombe en fer, alors il brise tout; en feu, il brûle; en souffre, il empoisonne; en genwille, il étouffe; en poudre, il étourdit; en pierre, il balaye ce quíl environne; en bois, il s'enfonce où il tombe, Mém. Celt. 2, 211.

p. 180. ) On thunderbolts see the 9th Bamb. Bericht p. 111. Beside donnerstein, we have wetterstein, krottenstein. Again: Herre Got, und liezt du vallen her ze tal ein stein, der mir derslüege, Suchenw. 78, 175. A fragment of thunderbolt healed over in the hand imparts to it enormous strength, Hpt Ztschr. 3, 366. A donnerstral of 2 ½ cwt. hangs in Ensheim church, Garg. 216a. Vestgötl. Thors-käjl (-wedge), Swed. Thor-viggar (-wedges), Sjöborg's Nomencl. f. nordiska fornlemningar 100. Indra's bolt and flash are svarus, from svar, sky, sun, Benfey 1, 457; conf. hlusia, Sup. to 174. Like elf-shot is the Sansk. 'vitulum veluti mater, ita fulmen Marutes sequitur,' Bopp Gl. 364a; conf. mugientis instar vaccae fulmen sonat 262a. Athena alone knows the keys to the thunderbolt chamber, Æsch. Eum. 727, like Mary in the nursery-tale of the forbidden chamber in heaven. Lith. 'Perkuno kulka,' P.'s ball. Serv. strèlitsa, arrow.

                p. 181. ) Miölnir reminds of Sl. m'lniya, molnia astraph, which Miklos. 50 derives from mlèti, conterere. The hammer is the simple, world-old implement, indispensable to nearly every trade, and adopted by not a few as a symbol. At boundaries the hamarsmark was deeply graven, a cross with hooked limbs; afterwards a crossed oak served for a landmark, Kl. schr. 2, 43. 55. In blessing the cup (signa full) the sign of the hammer was made: hann gerði hamarsmark yfir, Hâk. gôða saga c. 18. Thor með tungum hamrum is also in Landstad 14. Thor's image has a great hammer in its hand, Ol. helga s. ed. Christ. 26. Fornm. sög. 4, 245. That the hammer was portrayed and held sacred, is shown by the passage in Saxo, ed. Müll. 630: Magnus, inter cetera traeophorum suorum insignia, inusitati ponderis malleos quos Joviales vocabant, apud insularum quandam prisca virorum religione cultos, in patriam deportandos curavit. That was between 1105 and 1135. In Germany, perh. earlier, there were hammers and clubs as emblems of Donar on the church wall, or built into the town-gate; to which was linked a barbarous superstition and a legend of the cudgel, Hpt Ztschr. 5, 72. To the same cycle belong the tales of the devil's hammer, which is also called donnerkuhl, hammerkuhl, Müllenh. 268. 601; conf. p. 999. Pikne carries lightn. as an iron rod, see Sup. to 176.

                p. 181. ) Thôrr a foe to giants, p. 531. As Wôdan pursues the subterraneans, so he the giants. They will not come to the feast where Tordenveir appears, p. 189. 537. In Schonen, when it lightens, it is Thor flogging the trolls, Nilss. 4, 40. der (tievel) wider unsih vihtet mit viuren (viurînen, fiery) strâlen, Diemer 337, 9.

                p. 181. ) Hamer sla bamer, sla busseman dot! Müllenh. 603; conf. Hermen sla dermen, p. 355. bim hammer! Corrodi Professer 16. 58. Vikari 11. tummer und hammer, Prof. 96. 'May heaven's forked lightn. bury you 10,000 fathoms underground!' du widertuo ez balde, oder dir nimet der donner in drîn tagen den lîp, Wolfd. 331, 3. 4 (Hpt Ztschr. 4). A Danish oath is 'ney Thore gud!' Warmii Mon. Dan. 13. dass dich der Donnerstag (Thursday = Thor), Ph. v. Sittew. 2, 680. donnstig! du donnstigs bub! Gotthelf's Erz. 2, 195-6. The Lithuanians, says Æn. Sylvius, ascribe to Percunnos a great hammer, by means of which the sun is rescued from captivity, Æn. Sylv. in den Kurländ. send. 2, 6. N. Preuss. prov. bl. 2, 99; conf. Tettau u. Temme 28. Lith. 'kad Perkuns pakiles deszimt klafterin tave i zeme itrenktu!" may P. arise and strike thee 10 fathoms into the earth, Schleicher ber. der Wiener acad. 11, 108. 110. The Etruscans ascribed the hammer to Mantus, Gerh. 17.

                Beside the hammer Thôrr had his megin-giarðar, fortitudinis, roboris cingula, and iarn-greipr, chirotecas ferreas, Sn. 112-3. er hann spennir þeim (megingiörðum) um sik, þâ vex honum âs-megn hâlfu, Sn. 26. þâ spenti hann megingiörðum 114. This belt of might reminds us of Laurîn 906. 890. 1928: zebrechent sîn gürtelîn, dô hât er von zwelf man kraft. A girdle imparts strength and wisdom, Wigal. 332, and shows the right road, 22-3. A girdle that stills hunger, Fierabras 209; conf. the hunger-belt. A victoriae zona in Saxo ed. Müll. 124. Like Thôr's girdle is the blue band in Norske folkev. no. 60, p. 365. 374-6. Müllenh. schl. –holst. mär. 11. Moe's introd. xlvi.

                p. 183. ) In the Alps the salamander, whose appearance betokens a storm, is called wetter-giogo, Schott's Germans in Piedmont 300. 346. A female stag-beetle carries red hot coals into houses (Odenwald).

                p. 183 n.) The barba Jovis is held to have healing power, Caes. Heisterb. 7, 15. Jovis herba, hus-loek, Mone's Quellen 289a. hûs-louch, Mone 8, 403. donder-loek, crassula major, Mone's Qu. 283b. dundar-lök, Dybeck 1845 p. 61. Jovis caulis, sempervivum magn., Diosc. 4, 88. AS. þunor-wyrt, barba J.; house leek planted on cottage roofs, Hone's Yrbk. 1552; conf. p. 1214. The Swiss call the donnerbesen hexenbesen, witch's broom, Stald. 2, 42. Nemnich calls glecoma hederacea donnerrebe, gundrebe. The donnernessel, urtica dioica, resists thunder. Finn. Ukontuhnio, fungus, fomes; U. nauris, rapa; U. lummet, caltha palustris; Ukkon-lehti, folium (lappa). Jovis colus, Dioj hlakath, clinopodium, verbena, Diosc. 3, 99. 4, 61. Jovis madius, catanance, herba filicula 4, 132. iera tou qeou fhgoj at Dodona Paus. 1, 17. Jovis arbor, Ov. Met. 1, 104. A thunder tree in Tyrol, Wolf Ztschr. While redbreast and beetle attract lightning, the wannenweihe repels it, p. 674. It was a universal practice to ring the church bells to drive the thunder away, i.e. the heathen god, for bells are Christian. With the Thracians shooting was a safeguard against thunder and lightning (p. 20), as elsewhere against an eclipse, p. 707.

                p. 184. ) Note the Henneberg superstition about the habergeiss or himmelsziege, phalangium opilio, a spider (Maler Müller), in Brückner's Henneb. 11. By horsgök was formerly meant a real horse, Runa 3, 14-5. The heaven's-goat is in Finn. taivaan vuohi; she hovers between heaven and hell, bleating in the air, Schiefn. Finn. wtb. 612. Another Lith. name for it is dangaus ozys, Nesselm. 31, and Lett. Pehrkon ohsols, Possart's Kurl. 228.

                The Hýmisqviða calls Thôrr hafra drôttinn; his goats are tann-gniostr and tann-grisnir, dente frendens, as Lat. nefrendes = arietes (or porci) nondum frendentes, that have no teeth yet. Tanngniostr (tooth-gnasher) is also a man's by-name, Kormaks. 54. 134-6.

                p. 186. ) Donerswe, Ehrentraut's Fries. arch. 1, 435. Hpt Ztschr. 11, 378. de Donrspah, Notizenbl. 6, 306. It seems Thuris-lô in Trad. Corb. is not Thonares-lô, but giant's wood, p. 521; yet AS. Thunresleá, Kemble 3, 443. 4, 105. 5, 84. 243. Scand. Thörsleff, Molb. dipl. 1, 173; why not Thors-? In Sweden are Thorsby, Thorshälla, Thorslunda, Thorstuna, Thorsvi, Thorsåker, Thorsång, Thorsås, Thorsö. On Thorstuna, -åker, conf. Schlyter Sv. indeln. 32. Thorseng in Funen, Thorshöi in Schleswig, Müllenh. 584. In Norway Thôrsey, Thôrsnes, Thôrshof, Munch om Sk. 107. Thorsnes, Landn. 2, 12, took its name from a pillar with Thôr's image being drifted thither. Thorsharg = Thorshälla, Hildebr. tom. 3. Thorsborg, Gutal. 94, a limestone mountain 317. Thorshafn in Färöe.

                p. 187. ) To the few German proper names compounded with Donar, add Donarpreht, Hpt Ztschr. 7, 529. Albdonar is conn. with the plant albdona. In Kemble no. 337, for 'Thoneulf' read Thonerulf. The Sax. Chron., yr. 920, has Ðurcytel. An O. Irish name Tordealbhach (= Thoro similis, says O'Brien) is worth noting. Thorhalli in the Heidarvîgasaga. King Toril, whose lightning scorches the sea, burns up forests and devours the city (Hpt Ztschr. 4, 507-8), is apparently Thor himself; perhaps Torkil? for Thorild is fem.; conf. Thorkarl, p. 181 n.

                p. 187. ) Thôr's by-name of Vîngthôrr, Sæm. 70a; Eindriði, Sup. to 167, foot-note. He is hard-hugaðr, Sæm. 74b, as the iötun is hardraðr, p. 528. Again, fôstri Vîngnis ok Hlôru = fôstri Hlôrriða, Sup. to 167. Iarðar burr, earth's son, Sæm. 70a. 68a. 157; Fiörgynjar burr, Hlôðynjar burr, Yggs barn 52a. Is Veorr the same as verr, vir? conf. AS. weor, but the ON. modification would be viörr.

                p. 188. ) Thôrr, imagined as a son (in the Edda he is either a youth or in the prime of manhood), does not accord well with the 'old great-grandfather.' In Sæm. 54b he is a sveinn, but in 85b Asabragr. Are we to suppose two Donars, then? That in the North he may have been feared even more than Oðin seems to follow from the fact that so many names of men and women contain his name, and so few of Odin.

                p. 189. ) His sons by Iarnsaxa are Magni and Môði, Sn. 110 (conf. p. 823), he himself being endowed with âs-megin and âs-môðr. Iarnsaxa is elsewhere the name of a giantess. He calls himself Magna faðir, Sæm. 76a. His daughter becomes the bride of Alvîs 48a,b; is she Thrûðr, robur, whom he had by Sif? Sn. 101-9. He is himself called þrûðugr âss, Sæm. 72b. þrûðvaldr goða 76a; and his hammer þrûðhamarr 67b.

                p. 191. ) Neither the log-pelting at Hildesheim (with which conf. 'sawing the old woman,' p. 781-2) nor the wheel-rolling near Trier (Hocker's Mosel-ld. 1852, p. 415) can be connected with Jupiter. The latter ceremony, mentioned first in 1550 and last in 1779, took place thus. On the Thursday in Shrove-week an oak was set up on the Marxberg (Donnersb., Dummersb.), also a wheel. On Invocavit Sunday the tree was cut down, the wheel set on fire and rolled into the Moselle. A wheel, especially a flaming one, is the symbol of thunder, of Donar; hence the lords of Donnersberg, burg-vassals to Cochheim, bear it on their coat-of-arms, Hontheim 2, 5, tab. v., likewise those of Roll (thunder), while those of Hammerstein have three hammers in theirs. The signum of German legions, the 14th and 22nd, was the rota: there is a tile with 'Leg. xxii.' and a six-spoked wheel stamped on it. Mainz and Osnabrück have such a wheel on their scutcheon, Mainz as escutcheon of the legions (Fuchs's Mainz 2, 94. 106). Krodo in Bothe's Sassenchr. carries a wheel (p. 206n.). Has that heraldic wheel anything to do with the term rädels-führer, ringleader?

                p. 191. ) On keeping Thursday holy, see especially Nilsson 4, 44-5. tre Thorsdags-qvällar, Dyb. Runa 4, 37. 43. Cavallius 1, 404. In Swedish fairy-tales spirits appear on thorsdags-natt, and bewitch. If you do any work on Trinity Sunday, the lightning will strike it; hence women are unwilling to do needlework that day, Hpt Ztschr. 3, 360. Similar desecration of holidays by weaving, spinning or knitting is often mentioned; Servat. 2880:

                        wir sâzen unde wâben,

                        dô die lantliute êrten disen tac......

                        schiere runnen diu weppe von bluote,

                        daz ez uns des werkes erwante. A poor girl spins on our Lady's day, the thread sticks to her tongue and lips, Maerl. 2, 219. Of women spinning on Saturday, see Müllenh. 168; they that spool flax in church-time on Sunday, turn into stone, Reusch no. 30. Spinning was forbidden on Gertrude's day and Berchta's day, p. 270-3; among the Greeks on Bacchus's day, p. 911. Nevertheless the yarn spun on such holy days has peculiar virtues, p. 1099; conf. the teig-talgen, dough-kneading on Holy Saturday night, Superst. G, v. 194. Yet again: Si quis die Dominico boves junxerit et cum carro ambulaverit, dexterum bovem perdat, Lex Bajuv. vi. 2, 1.




                          1. The surnames Hlôrriði, Sæm. 211a, and Eindriði need not conflict with the statement that Thôrr walks or else drives (p. 167n.). In Sn. 101 he is called fôstri Vingnis ok Hlôru (p. 187. 257). In Sn. Formâli 12 Loride is called Thôr's son, and Loricus Thôrs fôstri, who has a wife Glora.







The ON. name for dies Martis, Týsdagr, has the name of the Eddic god Týr (gen. Týs, acc. Tý) to account for it. The AS. Tiwesdæg and OHG. Ziestac scarcely have the simple name of the god left to keep them company, but it may be safely inferred from them: it must have been in AS. Tiw (1) in OHG. Zio. The runic letter T î, Ziu, will be discussed further on. The Gothic name for the day of the week is nowhere to be found; according to all analogy it would be Tivisdags, and then the god himself can only have been called Tius. These forms, Tiu-s, Tiw, Tý-r, Zio make a series like the similar þiu-s, þeow (þiw), þý-r, dio = puer, servus.

If the idea of our thundergod had somewhat narrow limits, that of Zio lands us in a measureless expanse. The non-Teutonic cognate [Aryan] languages confront us with a multitude of terms belonging to the root div, which, while enabling us to make up a fuller formula div, tiv, zio, yield the meanings 'brightness, sky, day, god'. Of Sanskrit words, dyaus (coelum) stands the closest to the Greek and German gods' names Zeuj, Tius.
















D…#a , D…a




Di#Òj , DiÒj




Di#… , Di



To the digammated and older form of the Greek oblique cases there corresponds also the Latin Jovem, Jovis, Jovi, for which we must assume a nom. Ju, Jus, though it has survived only in the compound Jupiter = Jus pater, ZeÝj pat»r. For, the initial in Jus, Jovis [pronounce j as y] seems to be a mere softening of the fuller dj in Djus, Djovis, which has preserved itself in Dijovis, just as DeÚj which was actually preserved in the Æolic dialect. These Greek and Latin words likewise contain the idea of the heavenly god, i.e., a personification of the sky. Dium, divum is the vault of heaven, and Zeus is the son of heaven, OÙranoà uƒÒj, oÙr£nioj, ZeÝj a„qšri na…wn (see Suppl.).

But apart from 'dyaus, Zeus and Jupiter,' the three common nouns dêvas (Sansk.), qeÒj and deus express the general notion of a divinity; they are related to the first three, yet distinct from them. The Lat. deus might seem to come nearest to our Tius, Zio; but its u, like the o in qeÒj, belongs to the flexion, not to the root, and therefore answers to the a in dêvas. (2) Nevertheless deus too must have sprung from devus, and qeÒj from qe#Òj, because the very q instead of d in the Greek word is accounted for by the reaction of the digamma on the initial. In the shortness of their e they both differe from dêvas, whose ê (=ai) grew by guna out of i, so that the Lith. dievas comes nearer to it. (3) But the adjectives d‹oj (not from d… oj, but rather for d…#oj) and dîvus correspond to dêvas as dîves dîvitis (p. 20) to dêvatas (deus). This approximation between dîvus and deus serves to confirm the origin of deus out of devus or divus with short i (see Suppl.)(4) Still more helpful to us is the fact that the Edda has a plur. tîvar meaning gods or heroes, Sæm. 30ª 41ª; rîkir tîvar (conf. rich god, p. 20), Sæm. 72ª 93ª; valtîvar, 52ª; sigtîvar, 189ª 248ª; the sing. is not in use. This tîvar, though not immediately related to Týr, yet seems related to it as d‹oj, qeÒj, qe‹oj are to ZeÚj; its î is established by the fact that the ON. dialect contracts a short iv into y; thus we obtain by the side of tiv a tîv, in Sanskrit by the side of a div a dêv, and in Latin by the side of deus a dîvus, these being strengthened or guna forms of the root div, tiv (splendere). (5) If the earthborn Tuisco, the ancestral god of our nation, stands (as Zeuss p. 72 has acutely suggested) for Tivisco, Tiusco, it shews on its very face the meaning of a divine heavenly being, leaving it an open question whether we will choose to understand it of Wuotan or any other god, barring always Tius himself, from whom it is derived (see Suppl.).

The light of day is a notion that borders on that of heaven, and it was likewise honoured with personification as a god: Lucetium Jovem appellabant, quod eum lucis esse causam credebant; Festus sub v. To begin with, dies (conf. interdiu, dio) is itself connected with deus and divus; Jupiter was called Diespiter, i.e., diei pater, for the old gen. was dies. Then the word in the sing. fluctuates between the masc. and fem. genders; and as the masc. Ju, Dju with the suffix n, is shaped into the fem. forms Jûno for Jovino, Djovino, and Diana, just so the Lith. name for day, diena, is fem., while the Slav. den dzien, dan, is masc. The Teutonic tongues have no word for sky or day taken from this root, but we can point to one in Greek: Cretenses D…a t¾n ¹mšran vocant (call the day Zeus), ipsi quoque Romani Diespitrem appellant, ut diei patrem; Macrob. Sat. 1, 15. The poetic and Doric forms ZÁna, ZhnÒj, Zhn…, and Z©na, ZanÒj, Zan…, for D…a, DiÒj, Di , correspond to the above formations; (6) and the Etruscans called Jupiter Tina, i.e. Dina; O. Müller 2, 43 (see Suppl.).

A derivative from the same root with another suffix seems to present itself in the ON. tîvor (deus?),(7) Sæm. 6

AS. tîr, gen. tîres (tiir, Cod. exon. 331, 18 gloria, splendor), and OS. tîr, gen. tîras, tîreas; with which I connect the OHG. ziori, ziari, zieri (splendidus), and the Lat. decus, decor, decorus. The AS. poets use the word tîr only to intensify other words: tîrmetod (deus gloriae, summus deus), Cædm. 143, 7; æsctîr wera (hasta gloriosa virorum), 124, 27; æsca tîr, 127, 10; tîrwine, Boëth. metr. 25, 41; tîrfruma, Cod. exon. 13, 21; tîrmeahtig (potentissimus), 72, 1; tîreádig (felicissimus), Cædm. 189, 13. 192, 16; tîrfæst (firmissimus), 64, 2. 189, 19; much in the same way as the AS. cormen, OHG. irman is prefixed. Now when a similar prefix tý meets us in the ON. writings, e.g. týhraustr (fortissimus), týspâkr (sapientissimus), Sn. 29, it confirms the affinity between tîr and Tý-r.

These intricate etymologies were not to be avoided: they entitle us to claim a sphere for the Teutonic god Zio, Tiw, Týr, which places him on a level with the loftiest deities of antiquity. Represented in the Edda as Oðin's son, he may seem inferior to him in power and moment; but the two really fall into one, inasmuch as both are directors of war and battle, and the fame of victory proceeds from each of them alike. For the olden time resolved all glory into military glory, and not content with Wuotan and Zio, it felt the need of a third war-god Hadu; the finer distinctions in their cultus are hidden from us now.

It is not to be overlooked, that Oðinn is often named Sigtýr, Hrôptatýr, Gautatýr, Hâgatýr, farmatýr (Sæm. 30. 47. 248ª. Sn. 94-6), bödvartýr, quasi pugnae deus, geirtýr (Fornm. sög. 9, 515-8); and that even Thôrr, to whom Jupiter's lightning has been handed over, appears as Reiðartýr, Reiditýr (Sn. 94), i.e. god of the waggon. (8) In all these poetical terms, we see that týr bears that more general sense which makes it suitable for all divinities, especially the higher ones. Týr has a perfect right to a name identical with Zeus. Add moreover, that the epithet of father was in a special degree accorded, not only to Jupiter, Diespiter, but to victory's patron Marspiter. (9)

Further, this lofty position is claimed for Zio by the oldest accounts that have reached us. Mars is singled out as a chief god of all the Germanic nations, and mentioned side by side with Mercury. The evidence is collected on p. 44. (10) Tacitus, in Hist. 4, 64, makes the Tencteri say right out: Communibus deis, et praecipuo deorum Marti grates agimus; we have no occasion to apply the passage to Wuotan, to whom the highest place usually belongs, as particular races may have assigned that to Zio. The still clearer testimony of Procopius 12, 15 to the worship of Ares among the dwellers of the North, (11) which says expressly: “epei qeÕn aÙtÕn nom…zousi mšgiston e nai,” ought to be compared with the statements of Jornandes on the Gothic Mars; in both places human sacrifices are the subject, and therefore Zeuss, p. 22, is for understanding it of Wuotan again, because to him Tacitus says that men were sacrificed; but he does not say to him alone, on the contrary, anent the Hermundurian offering, Ann. 13, 57, where 'viri' were also slain, Mars stands mentioned before Mercury. And Jornandes, who identifies the 'Gradivus pater' of the Getae in Virg. Aen. 3, 35 with the Mars of the Goths, must have been thinking of the special god of war, not of a higher and more general one, intimately as they interpenetrate one another in name and nature. All in favour of this view are the Scythian and Alanic legends of the war-sword, which will be examined by and by: if the Getic, Scythian and Gothic traditions meet anywhere, it is on this of Mars-worship. Neither can we disregard Widukind's representation at a later time (Pertz 5, 423) of the Saxon Mars set up on high. Donar and Wuotan, with whom at other times he is combined in a signficant trilogy, appear, like Jupiter and Mercury, to retire before him. But it is quite conceivable how the glossist quoted on p. 133 could render Wuotan by Mars, and Widukind glide easily from Mars to Hermes, i.e., Wodan, particularly if he had in his mind the analogy of those prefixes irman- (of which he is speaking) and tîr-. The ON. writers, while they recognise Oðin's influence on war and victory, speak no less distinctly of Týr, who is emphatically their Vîgaguð (deus proeliorum), Sn. 105, and again: hann er diarfastr ok best hugaðr, ok hann ræðr miöc sigri î orostom, Sn. 29 (see Suppl.).

No doubt there were there were mountains hallowed to Zio, as well as to Wuotan and Donar; the only difficulty is, to know which god, Wuotan or Zio, was meant by a particular name. May we place to his credit the name of the abbey of Siegburg in the Lower Rhine, which was founded in 1064 on a mountain where the ancient assize of the people was held? From that time the mountain was to have been called Mons sancti Michaelis after the christian conqueror, but the heathen Sigeberg could not be dislodged, it was only distorted into Siegburg; (12) or are we to explain the name by the river Sieg, which flows through the district? The ON. Sigtýsberg (OS. Sigu-tiwis-berag?), Sæm. 348ª might belong to Oðinn or to Týr. The Weimar map has in section 38 a Tisdorf, and in section 48 a Ziesberg, both in Lower Saxon districts on the Elbe. A place in Zealand, about which there are folk-tales, is Tybierg (Thiele 2, 20); also in Zealand are Tisvelde (Ti's well), Tysting; in Jutland, Tystathe, Tiislunde. In Sweden: Tistad, Tisby, Tisjö, Tyved. Zierberg in Bavaria (Cirberg, Zirberc, MB. 11, 71-3-5-6) and Zierenberg in Lower Hesse may be derived from the collateral form (see Suppl.). The mons Martis at Paris (Montmartre), of which even Abbo de bell. Par. 2, 196 makes mention, has to do with the Gallic Mars, whom some take to be Belus, others Hesus. With far better right than the Parisian mons Martis (yet conf. Waitz's Salic law, p. 52), we may assign to Zio the fanum Martis, now Famars in Hainault (p. 84), according to Herm. Müller the Old Frankish 'Disbargum (or Disbargus) in termino Toringorum' of Greg. tur. 2, 9, Chlodio's castellum. Dis- would be a Latinized form of Tis = Tives, perhaps recalling Dispiter, Diespiter; there is no Gallic word like it looking towards Mars, and the district is thoroughly Frankish, with Liphtinae close by, where we have Saxnôt named by the side of Thunar and Wôdan. As for Eresberg and Mersberg (3 or 4 pp. on), I have compared the oldest documents in Seibertz: no. 11 (anno 962) gives us Eresburg; no. 51 (1150) mons Eresberg; no. 70 (1176) mons Eresberch; no. 85 (1184) Heresburg; no. 115 (1201) mons Martis; no. 153 (1219) Mersberch; no. 167 (1222) Eresberch; no. 179 (1228) mons Martis; no. 186 (1229) mons Heresberg; no. 189 (1230) mons Martis and Mersberg. Mons Martis was the learned name, Mersberg the popular, and Eresberg the oldest. As mons and castellum are used by turns, berg and burg are equally right. Widukind 2, 11 and Dietmar 2, 1 spell Heresburg and Eresburch, when they describe the taking of the place in 938. According to the Ann. Corb. (Pertz 5, 8), they are sacred to both Ares and Hermes (Mars and Mercury).

The names of plants also confess the god: ON. Týsfiola, I daresay after the Lat. viola Martis, march-violet; Týrhialm (aconitum), otherwise Thorhialm, Thorhat (helmet, hat), conf. Germ. sturmhut, eisenhut, Dan. troldhat, a herb endowed with magic power, whose helmet-like shape might suggest either of those warlike gods Týr and Thôrr; Týviðr, Tý's wood, Dan. Tyved, Tysved (daphne mezereum), in the Helsing. dial. tis, tistbast, the mezereon, a beautiful poison- flower (see Suppl.).

While these names of places and plants sufficiently vouch for the wide-spread worship of the god, we must lay particular stress on one thing, that the name for the third day of the week, which is what we started with, bears living witness to him at this moment, not only in Scandinavia and England (ON. Tysdagr, Swed. Tisdag, Dan. Tirsdag, AS. Tiwesdæg), but among the common people in Swabia and Switzerland (Ziestag, Tiestag, diestik, beside our universal Dienstag); Schm. 4, 214 brings all the forms together. And there is yet one more testimony to the high antiquity of Zio-worship in Swabia, which we may gather from an old Wessobrunn gloss 'Cyuvari = Suâpa,' MB. 7, 375 and Diut. 2, 370; which I take to be not Teutonoari, as Zeuss does, pp. 146-9, but Ziowari Martem colentes, warian expressing, like Lat. colere, both habitare and qerapeÚein, so that the Suevi are “Gr. qer£pontej "Arhoj”.

But that is not all: further and weighty disclosures on the name and nature of the war-god await us at the hands of the Runic alphabet.

It is known that each separate rune has a name to itself, and these names vary more or less according to the nations that use them, but they are mostly very ancient words. The OHG. runes having to bestow the name dorn on D, and tac on T, require for their aspirate Z which closes the alphabet the name of Zio. In the ON. and AS. alphabets, dag stood for D, Týr and Tiw for T, þorn for þ, being the same three words, only in different places; occasionally the Anglo-Saxons wrote Tir or Tis. Whenever a list of runes keeps thorn for Th, and dag for D, it is sure to have Ti for T (as the Cod. Isidori paris. and bruxell.); so it is in the St Gall cod. 260 and the Brussels 9565, except that dorn is improperly put for thorn, and tag for dag, but Ti stands correctly opposite T. The Paris cod. 5239 has dhron (dhorn), tac, Ziu, that of Salzburg dhorn, Ti, daeg: everywhere the form Ziu shows the High Germ. acceptation, and the form Ti (once, in Cod. Vatic. Christinae 338, spelt Tu, perh. Tii) the Low Germ., the Saxon. The u in Ziu seems to be more archaic than the o of Zio, which has kept pace with the regular progress of the OHG. dialect, and follows the analogy of dio, servus; this relation between u and o may perhaps be seen still more in its true light, as we go on. But what is very remarkable, is that in the Vienna cod. 140 the name Tyz is given to T in an alphabet which uses the Gothic letters, for Tyz comes very near to our conjectural Goth. Tius. As well the retention as the unavoidable alterations of this divine name in the runes of the various races, may be taken as proofs of the antiquity and extent of Zio-worship.

How comes it that no rune has taken its name from Wuotan or Oðinn, the inventor of writing itself? 'R = reið, râd,' i.e., waggon, may indirectly at least be referred to the god of the Thunder- car; and F according to one interpretation signifies Freyr. Anyhow, 'T = Tyr' appears to have been a supremely honoured symbol, and the name of this god to have been specially sacred: in scratching the runes of victory on the sword, the name of Týr had to be twice inserted, Sæm. 194. The shape of the rune t has an obvious resemblence to the old-established symbol of the planet Mars when set upright m, and an AS. poem on the runes expressly says: tîr bið tâcna sum (tîr is one of the tokens, is a certain sign); where again the derivative form tîr is employed to explain the simple Tiw or Tî. Occasionally the poets speak of 'tîre tâcnian,' to mark with tîr (El. 753. Jud. 137, 18), and 'tîres to tâcne,' as mark of tîr (Beow. 3306); we may expound it as 'gloria, decore insignire, in gloriae signum,' and still think of the heathen symbol of the god, pretty much as we saw it done at the solemn blessing of the ale-cups (see Suppl.). (13)

Thus far we have dealt with the runic name Týr, Tiw, Zio, and no other. But here the same alphabets come out with a sharp connection between two names of the selfsame god. First, in the AS. lists, in adition to t Tir, we come upon a similar arrow with two barbs added q and the name Ear attached to it.(14) Then the OHG. alphabets, after using t for tac, find a use for that very symbol q the two names Tir and Ear, though Tir had already been given to t. It is evident then, that Tir and Ear Zio and Eo, Eor were two names for one god, and both must have been current among the several races, both Low German and High.

Evidence as regards Low Germany is found both in the rune Ear occuring in Anglo-Saxon, and in the remarkable name of Eresburg, Aeresburg being given to a notable seat of pagan worship in a district of Westphalia, in the immediate neighbourhood of the Irmansûl (v. supra, p. 116). That it was strictly Eresberg (as Siegburg was originally Sigberg, p. 198), follows both from the Latin rendering mons Martis, and from its later name Mersberg, (15) whose initial M could be explained by the contraction of the words 'in dem Eresberge, Aresberge,' (16) or it may be an imitation of the Latin name. There was a downright Marsberg in another district of Westphalia. (17) This Eresberc then is a Ziesberc, a Sig-tiwes-berg, and yet more closely an Areopagus, Mars' hill, AreiÒpagoj, pštra p£goj t' "Areioj (Aeschyl. Eum. 690).

Still more plainly are High German races, especially the Bavarian (Marcomannic) pointed to by that singular name for the third day of the week, Ertag, Iertag, Iertag, Irtag, Eritag, Erchtag, Erichtag, which answers to the rune Eor, and up to this moment lives to part off the Bavarians, Austrians and Tyrolese from the Swabians and Swiss (who, as former Ziowari, stick to Ziestag); along the boundaryline of these races must also have run formerly the frontier between Eor- worship and Zio-worship. True, the compound Ertac lacks the genetive ending -s which is preserved in Ziestac, and I have not been so fortunate as to hunt up an Erestac (18) in the older records of the 13-14 centuries; nevertheless the coincidence of the double names for the day and for the rune should be conclusive here, and we must suppose an OHG. Erestac, to match the Eresberg. One might be led to imagine that in Ertag the Earth (Erde according to the forms given at the beginning of ch. XIII) was meant. But the ancient way of thinking placed the earth in the centre of the world, not among the planets; she cannot therefore have given name to a day of the week, and there is no such day found in any nation, unless we turn Venus and Freyja into the earth.

To bear this Ertag company, there is that name of a place Eersel, quoted p. 154 from Gramaye, in which neither êra honor, nor its personification Era (ch. XVI, XXIX) is to be thought of, but solely a god of the week. It is worth noticing, that Ertac and Erdag occur as men's names; also, that the Taxandrian Eersel was but a little way off the Tisberg or Fanmars in Hainault (see Suppl.).

Now comes something far more important. As Zio is identical with Zeus as directors of wars, we see at a glance that Eor, Er, Ear, is one with "Arhj the son of Zeus; and as the Germans had given the rank of Zeus to their Wuotan, Týr and consequently Eor appears as the son of the highest god. Have we any means now left of getting at the sense of this obscure root Eor?

The description of the rune in the AS. poem gives only a slight hint, it runs thus:

Ear bið egle eorla gehwilcum,

þonne fæstlîce flæsc onginneð

hræw côlian, hrusan ceosan

blâc tô gebeddan. blæda gedreosað,

wynna gewîtað, wera geswîcað;

i.e., Ear fit importunus hominum cuicumque, quum caro incipit refrigescere, pallidumque corpus terram eligere conjugem. tunc enim gloriae dilabuntur, gaudia evanescunt, foedera cessant.

The description is of death coming on, and earthly joys dropping off; but who can that be, that at such a time is burdensome (egle, ail-some) to men? The ordinary meaning of ear, spica, arista, can be of no use here; I suppose that approaching dissolution, a personified death is to be understood, from which a transition to the destructive god of battles, the brotoluigÒj, miaifÒnoj "Arhj is easy to conceive. (19) "Arhj itself is used abstractly by the Greeks for destruction, murder, pestilence, just as our Wuotan is for furor and belli impetus, (20) and the Latin Mars for bellum, exitus pugnae, furor bellicus, conf. 'Mars = cafeht,' gefecht, fight, in Gl. Hrab. 969ª; as conversely the OHG. wîg pugna, bellum (Graff 1, 740) seems occasionally to denote the personal god of war. 'Wicgch quoque Mars est' says Ermoldus Nigellus (Pertz 2, 468), and he is said to farneman, AS. forniman, carry off, as Hild (Bellona) does elsewhere: dat inan wîc fornam, Hildebr. lied; in AS.: wîg ealle fornam, Beow. 2155; wîg fornom, Cod. exon. 291, 11. Do we not still say, war or battle snatched them all away? A remarkable gloss in the old Cod. sangall. 913, p. 193, has 'turbines = ziu' (we have no business to write zui), which may mean the storm of war, the Mars trux, saevus, or possibly the literal whirlwind, on which mythical names are sometimes bestowed; so it is either Zio himself, or a synonymous female personfication Ziu, bearing the same relation to Zio as diu (ancilla) to dio (servus).

Here comes in another string of explanations, overbold as some of them may seem. As Eresburg is just as often spelt Heresburg by the Frankish annalists, we may fairly bring in the Goth. haírus, AS. heor, OS. heru, ON. hiörr, ensis, cardo, although the names of the rune and the day of the week always appear without the aspirate. For in Greek we already have the two unaspirated words "Arnj and ¥or, sword, weapon, to compare with one another, and these point to a god of the sword. Then again the famous Abrenuntiatio names three heathen gods, Thunar, Wôden, Saxnôt, of whom the third can have been but little inferior to the other two in power and holiness. Sahsnôt is word for word gladii consors, ensifer [Germ. genoss, sharer]; who else but Zio or Eor and the Greek Ares? (21) The AS. genealogies preserve the name of Saxneát as the son of Wôden, and it is in perfect accordance with it, that Týr was the son of Oðinn, and Ares the son of Zeus (see Suppl.). But further, as the Saxons were so called, either because they wielded the sword of stone (saxum), or placed this god at the head of their race, so I think the Cheruscans of Tacitus, a people synonymous, nay identical with them, were named after Cheru, Heru = Eor, from whom their name can be derived. (22) After this weighty consonance of facts, which opens to us the meaning of the old national name, and at the same time teaches that 'heru' was first of all pronounced 'cheru,' and last of all 'eru, er,' I think we may also bring in the Gallic war-god Hesus or Esus (Lucan 1, 440), and state, that the metal iron is indicated by the planetary sign of Mars, the AS. 'tîres tâcen,' and consequently that the rune of Zio and Eor may be the picture of a sword with its handle , or of a spear. (23) The Scythian and Alanic legends dwell still more emphatically on the god's sword, and their agreement with Teutonic ways of thinking may safely be assumed, as Mars was equally prominent in the faith of the Scythians and that of the Goths.

The impressive personification of the sword matches well with that of the hammer, and to my thinking each confirms the other. Both idea and name of two of the greatest gods pass over into the instrument by which they display their might.

Herodotus 4, 62 informs us, that the Scythians worshipped Ares under the semblance or symbol of an ancient iron sword (akin£khj), which was elevated on an enormous stack of brushwood ['three furlongs in length and breadth, but less in height']: ™pˆ toÚtonnn d¾ toà Ôgkou ¢kin£khj sidhpeoj †drutai ¢rca‹oj ˜k£stoisi: kaˆ toàt' œsti toà "Arhoj tÕ ¥galma. Ammianus Marcellinus 31, 2 says of the Alani: Nec templum apud eos visitur aut delubrum, ne tugurium quidem culmo tectum cerni usquam potest, sed gladius barbarico ritu humi figitur nudus, eumque ut Martem, regionum quas circumcircant praesulem, verecundius colunt. And he had previously asserted of the Quadi also, a decidedly German people, 17, 12 (AD 358): Eductis mucronibus, quos pro numinibus colunt, juravere se permansuros in fide. Perhaps all the Teutonic nations swore by thier weapons, with a touching of the weapon, (24) just as the Scythians and Romans did per Martis frameam, Juvenal 13, 79. So Arnobius 6, 11: Ridetis temporibus priscis coluisse acinacem Scythiae nationes, .......pro Marte Romanos hastam, ut Varronis indicant Musae; this framea and hasta of the Romans is altogether like the Scythian sword. (25) Jornandes, following Priscus 201, 17, tells of the Scythian sword, how it came into the hands of Attila, cap. 35: Qui (Attila), quamvis hujus esset naturae ut semper confideret, addebat ei tamen confidentiam gladius Martis inventus, apud Scytharum reges semper habitus. Quem Priscus historicus tali refert occasione detectum, quum pastor, inquiens, quidam gregis unam buculam conspiceret claudicantem (noticed one heifer walking lame), nec causam tanti vulneris inveniret, sollicitus vestigia cruoris insequitur, tandemque venit ad gladium, quem depascens herbas bucula incaute calcaverat, effossumque protinus ad Attilam defert. Quo ille munere gratulatus, ut erat magnanimus, arbitratur se totius mundi principem constitutum, et per Martis gladium potestatem sibi concessam esse bellorum.

But the sword degenerated into an unlucky one, like some far-famed northern swords. Lambert relates, that a queen, Solomon of Hungary's mother, made a present of it to Otto, duke of Bavaria, that from this Otto's hands it came by way of loan to the younger Dedi, margrave Dedi's son, then to Henry IV., and lastly to Lupold of Mersburg, who, being thrown by his horse, and by the same sword transpierced, was buried at Mertenefeld. It is a question whether these local names Mersburg and Mertenefeld can have any reference to the sword of Mars. A great while after, the duke of Alba is said to have dug it out of the earth again after the battle of Mühlberg (Deutsche heldensage p. 311). We see through what lengthened periods popular tradition could go on nourishing itself on this world-old worship (see Suppl.).

With the word "Arhj the Lat. Mars appears to have nothing to do, being a contraction of Mavors, and the indispensable initial being even reduplicated in Mamers; so the fancied connexion between Eresburg and Marsberg will not hold.

In the Old Roman worship of Mars a prominent place is given to the legend of Picus, a son of Saturn, a wood-spirit who helped to nurse the babes Remus and Romulus; certain features in our antiquities seem to recall him, as will be shown later. Romulus consecrated the third month of the year to Mars, his progenitor; our ancestors also named it after a deity who may perhaps be identified with Mars. That is to say, the Anglo-Saxons called March Hrêðemônað, which Beda without hesitation traces to a goddess Hrêðe; possibly other races might explain it by a god Hrêða? These names would come from hrôð gloria, fama, ON. hrôðr, OHG. hruod, OFrank. chrôd, which helped to form many ancient words, e.g. OHG. Hruodgang, Hruodhilt, OFrank. Chrôdogang, Chrôdhild; did Hruodo, Chrôdo express to certain races the shining god of fame? (26) The Edda knows of no such epithet for Týr as Hrôðr or Hrœði (see Suppl.).

To these discoveries or conjectures we have been guided simply by the several surviving names of one of the greatest gods of our olden time, to whose attributes and surroundings we may have scarcely any other clue left. But now we may fairly apply to him in the main, what the poetry of other nations supplies. Zio is sure to have been valiant and fond of war, like Aries, lavish of glory, but stern and bloodthirsty (a†matoj asai "Arha, Il. 5, 289. 20, 78. 22, 267); he raves and rages like Zeus and Wuotan, he is that 'old blood-shedder' of the Servian song, he gladdens the hearts of ravens and wolves, who follow him to fields of battle, although these creatures again must be assigned more to Wuotan (p. 147); the Greek phrase makes them o„wno… and kÚnes (birds and dogs), and the fields of the slain, where the hounds hold revel, are called kunîn mšlphqra, Il. 13, 233. 17, 255. 18, 179. Battle-songs were also sure to be tuned to the praises of Zio, and perhaps war-dances executed (mšlpesqai "Arh , Il. 7, 241), from which I derive the persistent and widely prevalent custom of the solemn sword-dance, exactly the thing for the god of the sword. The Edda nowhere lays particular stress on the sword of war, it knows nothing of Sahsnôt, indeed its sverðâs is another god, Heimðallr; (27) but it sets Týr before us as one-handed, because the wolf, within whose jaws he laid his right hand as a pledge, bit it off at the joint, whence the writst was called ûlfliðr, wolf-lith, Sæm. 65ª. Sn. 35-6. This incident must have been well-known and characteristic of him, for the ON. exposition of the runes likewise says, under letter T: Týr er einhendr Asa; conf. Sn. 105. The rest of Teutonic legend has no trace of it, (28) unless we are to look for it in Walther's onehandedness, and find in his name the mighty 'wielder of hosts'. I prefer to adopt the happy explanation, (29) that the reason why Týr appears one-handed is, because hecan only give victory to one part of the combatants, as Hadu, another god who dispenses the fortune of war, and Plutos and Fortuna among the Greeks and Romans, are painted blind, because they deal out thier gifts at random (see Suppl.). Now, as victory was esteemed the highest of all fortune, the god of victory shares to the full the prominent characteristics of luck in general, partiality and fickleness. And a remoter period of our nation may have used names which bore upon this. (30)

Amongst the train of Ares and Mars there appear certain mythic beings who personify the notions of fear and horror. De‹moj and FÒboj (Il. 4, 440. 11, 317. 15, 119) answer to the Latin Pallor and Pavor; it is the two former that harness the steeds of Ares, FÒboj is called his son (13, 299), and in Aeschylus he is provided with a dwelling (mšlaqron tectum), out of which he suddenly leaps. So in the old Bohemian songs, Tras (tremor) and Strakh (terror) burst out of forest shades on the enemy's bands, chase them, press on their necks and squeeze out of their throats a loud cry. (Königinh. hs. 84. 104); they are ghostly and spectral. This borders upon Vôma, Omi and Yggr (pp. 119, 120), terms which designate the god himself, not his companions, sons or servants, yet they again bear witness to the community there was between Wuotan and Zio. Thôrr was called ôtti iötna, terror gigantum. When in our modern phraseology fear 'surprises, seizes, shakes, deprives of sense,' personfication is not far off; in the Iliad also 17, 67 clwrÕn dšoj (neut.) aƒre‹, pale fear seizes; but masculine embodiments like de‹moj, fÒboj, pallor, pavor, tras, strakh, bring it more vividly before us, and pavor was weakened by passing into the fem. paura, peur of the Romance. AS. þâ hine se brôga ongeat (terror eum invasit), Beow. 2583. OHG. forhta cham mih ana, N. ps. 54, 5; forhta anafiel ubar inan, T. 2, 4; conf. MHG. diu sorge im was sô verre entriten, sie möhte erreichen niht ein sper, fear was fled so far from him, a spear could not reach it, Wh. 280, 10 (see Suppl.). But further on, we shall get acquainted with a female Hilta, comparable to the Lat. Bellona and the Gr. Enyo and Eris, who is really one with war and the war-god.

Týr is described in Sn. 105 as a son of Oðinn, but in the Hymisqviða as a kinsman of the giants. His mother, whose name is not found, but whose beauty is indicated by the epithet all- gullin, all-golden, Sæm. 53ª, must have been a giant's daughter, who bore to Oðinn this immortal son (see Suppl.).


                1. It might have been Teow, from the analogy of þeow to þýr. Lye quotes, without references: Tiig, Mars, Tiiges- vel Tiis-dæg, dies Martis. The Epinal glosses brought to light by Mone actually furnish, no. 520 (Anzeiger 1838, p. 145), Tiig, Mars; also Oehler p. 351. The change of letters is like that of briig, jusculum, for brîw; and we may at least infer from it, that the vowel is long, Tîg. 

                2. Kuhn, in Zeitschr. f. d. alt. 2, 231, has rightly pointed out, that Zio can be immediately related only to dyaus and ZeÚj, not to deus and qeÒj; but he ought to have admitted that mediately it must be related to these last also. That div was the root of Zeus, had already been shown by O. Müller in Gött. anz. 1834, pp. 795-6.

                3. Conf. piemu poimh, and kiemas kèmh háims.

                4. If, as hinted on p. 26, d‹oj deus were conn. with dšw, the notion of binding must have arisen first out of the divine band, which is hardly conceivable.

                5. Sometimes, though rarely, we find another ON. dîar, Sæm. 91ª. Sn. 176. Yngl. saga cap. 2; it agrees with qeÒj more than with d‹oj.

                6. We know to what shifts Socrates is driven in trying to explain the forms ZÁna and D…a (Plato's Cratylus p. 29, Bekker); qeÒj he derives from qe‹n, currere (p. 32).

                7. Or must we read it tivor, and connect it with the AS. tifer, tiber, OHG. zepar?

                8. I do not reckon Angatýr among this set of words. It occurs frequently, both in the Hervararsaga and in Sæm. 114ª 119 9ª; this last passage calls Oðinn 'Friggjar ângantýr'. The true form is doubtless Anganþýr, as appears from the OHG. Angandeo (Trad. fuld. 1, 57), and the AS. Ongenþeow, Ongenþio (Beow. 4770. 4945-67. 5843-97. 5917-67); - týr would have been in AS. -teow, in OHG. -zio. Graff gives an Angandeo 1, 132. 5,87, which seems to be a misspelling, though the Trad. wizenb. no. 20 have a woman's name Agathiu (for Anganthiu), to which add the acc. Agathien, Agacien (Walthar. 629). The meaning of angan, ongen, is doubtful; 'ângan illrar brûdhar' is said to be 'deliciae malae mulieris,' but Biörn interprets it pedisequa, and Oðinn might fitly be called Friggae pedisequus. That some proper names in the Edda are corrupt, is plain from Hamdir, which ought everywhere to be Hamþýr, OHG. Hamadio, Hamideo (Schannat no. 576.Cod. lauresh. 2529), MHG. Hamdie (MsH 3, 213). This much I am sure of, that neither Anganþýr nor Hamþýr can contain a týr, which is almost always compounded with genitives in a figurative sense.

                9. Gellius 5, 12.

                10. A passage in Florus 2, 4: 'mox Ariovisto duce vovere de nostrorum militum praeda Marti suo torquem: intercepit Jupiter votum, nam de torquibus eorum aureum tropaem Jovi Flaminius erexit, speaks of the Insubrian Gauls, who were beaten in the consulship of Flaminius B.C. 225. But these Galli are both in other respects very like Germani, and the name of their leader is that of the Suevic (Swabian) king in Caesar.

                11. Qoul‹tai (men of Thule) is their generic name, but he expressly includes among them the GÒtqoi, whom he rightly regards as a different people from the GÒtqoi, conf. Gött. anz. 1828, p. 553.

                12. Docum. in Lacomblet, no. 203-4.

                13. Conf. note to Elene 155-6.

                14. In one poem, Cod. exon. 481, 18, the rune contains simply the vowel sound ea.

                15. This Eresburg or Mersberg stands in the pagus Hessi saxonicus (registr. Sarachonis p. 42, 735); conf. Wigands archiv I. 1, 36-7. II. 143. 268.

                16. So: Motgers = in dem Otgêrs hove [and, the nonce = then once, &c.].

                17. In the pagus Marstem, Marshem, Marsem (close to the Weser, near Marklô), reg Sarachonis 42, 727.

                18. In a passage from Keisersberg quoted by Schm. 1, 97, it is spelt Eristag, apparently to favour the derivation from 'dies aeris.'

                19. Or, without the need of any transition, Ear might at once be Ares: 'war is burdensome in old age'.


                20. The notions of raving (wüten) and insanire are suitable to the blustering stormful god of war. Homer calls Ares qoàroj the wild, and ¨frwn the insensate, Öj oÜtina o de qšmista, Il. 5, 761. But ma…netai is said of other gods too, particularly Zeus (8, 360) and Dionysos or Bacchus (6, 132).

                21. One might think of Frô, Freyr (ch. X), but of course glittering swords were attributed to more than one god; thus Poseidon (Neptune) wields a deinÕn ¥or, Il. 14, 385, and Apollo is called crus£oroj, 5, 509. 15. 256.

                22. The suffix -sk would hardly fit with the material sense of heru, far better with a personal Heru.

                23. Does the author overlook, or deliberately reject, the ON. ör, gen. 0rvar, AS. arwe, arrow? Among the forms for Tuesday occur Erigtag, Ergetag; erge is to arwe, as sorge to sorwe, morgen to morwen, &c. Trans.

                24. Conf. RA. 896; and so late as Wigal. 6517: 'Swert, ûf dînem knopfe ich des swer,' Sword, on thy pommel I swear it.

                25. Juro per Dianam et Martem, Plaut. Mil. glor. 5, 21.

                26. In this connexion one might try to rescue the supicious and discredited legend of a Saxon divinity Krodo; there is authority for it in the 15th century, none whatever in the earlier Mid. Ages. Bothe's Sassenchronik (Leibn. 3, 286) relates under the year 780, that King Charles, during his conquest of the East Saxons, overthrew on the Hartesburg an idol similar to Saturn, which the people called Krodo. If such an event had really happened, it would most likely have been mentioned by the annalists, like the overthrow of the Irmansûl. For all that, the tradition need not be groundless, if other things would only correspond. Unfortunately the form Crôdo for Chrôdo, Hrôdo, Rôdo [like Catti, afterw. Chatti, Hatti, Hessen] is rather too ancient, and I can find no support for it in the Saxon speech. A doc. of 1284 (Langs reg. 4, 247) has a Waltherus dictus Krode, and a song in Nithart's MsH. 3, 20 a Krotolf, which however has no business to remind us of Hruodolf, Ruodolf, being not a proper name, but a nickname, and so to be derived from krote, a toad, to which must be referred many names of places, Krotenpful, &c., which have been mistakenly ascribed to the idol. The true form for Upper Germany would not tolerate a Kr, but only Hr or R (see Suppl.).

                27. Conf. Apollo crus£oroj above, p. 203, note.

                28. Cod. Pal. 361, 65ª tells of Julian, that he was forced to put his hand into the mouth of Mercury's statue: Die hant stiez er im in den munt dar, darinne uobte sich der vâlant (devil), er clemmete im die hant, und gehabete sie im sô vaste, daz er sich niht irlôsen mohte (could not get loose). Besides, the wolf's limb has a likeness to the Wuotan's limb, Woens-let, p. 160.

                29. Wackernagel's in the Schweiz. mus. 1, 107.

                30. The Greek epos expresses the changefulness of victory (n…kh ˜teralkhj, Il. 8, 171. 16, 362; n…kh ™pame…betai ¥ndraj, 6, 339) by an epithet of Ares, 'AlloprÒsalloj 5, 831. 889. A certain many-shaped and all-transforming being, with a name almost exactly the same, Vilanders (Ls. 1, 369-92), Baldanderst, Baldander (H. Sachs 1, 537. Simpliciss. bk 6, c. 9), has indeed no visible connexion with the god of war, but it may have been the name of a god. The similiarity of this Vilanders to the name of a place in the Tyrol, Villanders near Brixen (Velunutris, Vulunuturusa, acc. to Steub. p. 79. 178) is merely accidental.




                p. 194. ) In Umbrian the nom. was still Juv. dat. Juve, voc. Jupater, Aufr. u. Kuhn Ztschr. 1, 128: Juveis luvfreis, Jupiter liber, Mommsen 139. What of Finn. taivas, coelum? or even Qouroj, the Assyrian mars (Suidas)? A divergent form, 'vater Zi' in Müllenh. nr. 410. -

Dyaus is not only coelum, but a Vasu-god, who for stealing the cow Nandini has to go through a human life, Holtzm. 3, 101-6. Parallel with the ideas belonging to the root div, are those developed out of Sansk. sur, splendeo: sura deus, sûrja sol, svar coelum.

                p. 194. ) Spiegel, Zendav. 6, connects qeoj with dhâ. Lith. dievas god, deive goddess, dievaitiz (godkin) thunderer, dievaite (goddesskin) rain-goddess; conf. Pott's Etym. forsch. 1st ed. 56-7. Benfrey's Orient 1, 510.

                p. 195. ) Wackernagel in Hpt Ztschr. 6, 19 retains Tuisco = duplex, and explains it as zwitter, two sexed, just as Lachm. makes tuisc = bimus, two years old; and Müllenhoff agrees with them 9, 261. In that case Tuisco would have nothing to do with Ziu, and Tacitus must have indicated the marvellous hermaphrodite nature. It is a question whether Zio, Tio have not perpetuated himself in the alarm and battle cries zieter, zeter, tiodute, tianut! and in ziu dar nâher, Parz. 651, 11; see Gramm. 3, 303. RA. 877. Leo in Hpt Ztschr. 5, 513. Again, did zie, tie (assembly) originally mean divum, as in 'sub divo, dio'? The Prov. troubadours have sotz dieu = sub divo, under the open sky, Diez's Leb. d. Troub. 166-7; yet it may mean sub Deo.

                p. 195. ) From div splendeo (Lith. zibeti) come div, diva coelum, and divan, divasa, divana, contr. dina, dies